draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
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(2.83) maRaitipa Dios muRa?<br />
maRai<br />
what<br />
=tipa Dios muRa<br />
=interr God 3sg.ms<br />
‘What is God?’<br />
(example (5.2a))<br />
A similar pattern appears in the response to this question, as in (2.84). However, we propose<br />
that these two examples differ slightly in that the bracketed material (the nominal predicate) is<br />
extraclausal, unlike the interrogative word maRai ‘what’ in (2.83), and is coreferential with the<br />
sentence-final muRa 3sg.ms.<br />
(2.84) [1watimai Ritama, aikiaRa tuyuka Ritama, upakatu maRainkanamukui, yaw1k1taRa, wakutataRa,<br />
yeneyaRasemai weRanu,] muRiai Dios muRa.<br />
1wati =mai Ritama aikiaRa tuyuka Ritama upa =katu maRain<br />
be.high.up =inact.nomz village dem.prox.ms land village all =intsf thing<br />
=kana =mukui yaw1k1 -taRa wakuta -taRa yene= yaRa =semai<br />
=pl.ms =com make -act.nomz carry.in.arm -act.nomz 1pl.incl= master =verid<br />
weRanu muRia -i Dios muRa<br />
coord thus -? God 3sg.ms<br />
‘The Creator <strong>of</strong> Heaven, Earth and all things, the protector, and our true Lord as well, thus<br />
is God.’<br />
(example (5.2b))<br />
As above, this sentence is a predicational copula clause, wherein the nominal predicate has been<br />
left-dislocated and its erstwhile position is filled by a free pronoun, similar to the resumptive strategy<br />
in (2.83). 104 In modern Omagua, left-dislocation <strong>of</strong> this type is associated with a contrastive topic<br />
construction, although we do not claim the bracketed constituent in (2.84) to be a contrastive topic.<br />
Note, however, that in the Full Catechism counterpart to (2.83), muRa 3sg.ms is absent, although<br />
the structure <strong>of</strong> the two responses is identical.<br />
Specificational copula clauses appear to be achieved via a construction very similar to that in<br />
(2.84), but which lacks the final muRa 3sg.ms, as shown in (2.85). In these cases, we claim that the<br />
bracketed constituent is intraclausal and is the argument <strong>of</strong> the copula clause.<br />
(2.85) [aikiaRa musap1R1ka personakana] uyepe titi Dios.<br />
aikiaRa musap1R1ka persona =kana uyepe titi Dios<br />
dem.prox.ms three person =pl.ms one be.alone God<br />
‘These three persons are one God alone.’<br />
(example (5.9a))<br />
However, the parallel sentence from the Full Catechism in (6.9b) exhibits a final muRa, thus<br />
confusing the generalization between predicational and specificational copula clauses laid out above<br />
(also see footnote 104). These facts lead us not to place much analytical weight on the preceding<br />
discussion, but leave it as a series <strong>of</strong> descriptive generalizations <strong>of</strong> the patterning <strong>of</strong> Old Omagua<br />
non-verbal predicates. 105<br />
104 Confusingly, this same construction may also yield a specificational clause interpretation, as in (5.10b).<br />
105 See §9.4 for a step-by-step comparison <strong>of</strong> the two catechism texts that includes a discussion <strong>of</strong> the differential<br />
treatment <strong>of</strong> parallel non-verbal clauses.<br />
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