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draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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2.3.9 Non-Verbal Predication<br />

Non-verbal predicates in Old Omagua are difficult to analyze because they are not uniform in<br />

their structure. Our discussion here targets the most commonly attested patterns and those that<br />

have correlates in the modern language. We attribute discrepancies between types <strong>of</strong> non-verbal<br />

predicates in the texts to author error, as there are parallel examples between the two catechism<br />

texts that differ so minimally that we are unable to analyze both as possible non-verbal predicate<br />

structures.<br />

When the argument and the predicate <strong>of</strong> a non-verbal clause are both referential NPs, the<br />

argument precedes the predicate, as it frequently does in modern Omagua as well, as in (2.81).<br />

(2.81) Dios papa, Dios ta1Ra, Dios espíritu santo.<br />

Dios papa Dios ta1Ra Dios espíritu santo<br />

God father God son.male.ego God Holy Spirit<br />

close: ‘God is the Father, God is the Son, God is the Holy Spirit.’<br />

(example (5.9a))<br />

This ordering is also attested when the argument is a free pronoun, as in (2.82), 101 although in<br />

modern Omagua the opposite ordering, namely predicate followed by argument, is more frequent<br />

when the argument is a free pronoun. 102 Note that additional material may intervene between the<br />

argument and predicate.<br />

(2.82) muRatina aisetui Dios aisetui awa weRanu, yeneyaRa yeneyumunyepetataRa.<br />

muRa =tina aise -tui Dios aise -tui awa weRanu yene= yaRa yene=<br />

3sg.ms =cert true -? God true -? man coord 1pl.incl= lord 1pl.incl=<br />

yumunuyepeta<br />

redeem<br />

-taRa<br />

-act.nomz<br />

‘He is the true God and a true man, as well as our redeemer.’<br />

(example (6.15b))<br />

Interestingly, interrogative versions <strong>of</strong> non-verbal clauses occasionally show what appears to be a<br />

resumptive pronoun that is coreferential with the nominal predicate in question, as in (2.83), taken<br />

from the Catechism Fragment, cf., muRa 3sg.ms. 103 Specifically, we assume this sentence to be the<br />

interrogative counterpart to a predicational copula clause (Higgins 1973; Mikkelsen 2005), in which<br />

‘Dios’ is the argument. This pattern is unexpected, since resumption is not a phenomenon found<br />

elsewhere, at least in modern Omagua.<br />

101 See also (6.31b).<br />

102 This is the main source <strong>of</strong> frequent VS P ordering as well, as mentioned above. This VS P order, where V is a<br />

non-verbal predicate and S P is a free pronoun, namely Ranu 3pl.ms, is attested once in the texts, as in (2.1), where<br />

the bracketed constituent is the predicate.<br />

(2.1) [Dios yaw1k1maipuRakana] puRai Ranu.<br />

Dios yaw1k1 =mai =puRa =kana puRai Ranu<br />

God make =inact.nomz =nom.pst =pl.ms merely 3pl.ms<br />

‘They are merely God’s creations.’<br />

(example (5.6b))<br />

103 However, see (5.9a) for an example <strong>of</strong> an interrogative that does not exhibit this pattern.<br />

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