draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
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Historically, =sep1 appears to have grammaticalized from the Proto-Omagua-Kokama word for<br />
‘compensation, reward’. 96 Interestingly, its Kokama-Kokamilla cognate tSip1 ∼ tS1p1 (Vallejos Yopán<br />
2010c:9) does not function as a clause-linker (Vallejos Yopán 2010a), which suggests that this<br />
grammaticalization process occurred following the divergence <strong>of</strong> Omagua and Kokama-Kokamilla.<br />
2.3.8 Focus Markers<br />
Old Omagua exhibited three focus operators with different distributions and scopal properties: the<br />
syntactically independent element puRai ‘merely’ (§2.3.8.1); the contrastive focus enclitic =nani<br />
(§2.3.8.2); and the exclusive focus enclitic =semai (§2.3.8.3).<br />
2.3.8.1 Contrastive Focus puRai<br />
The particle puRai exhibits two functions in Old Omagua, one in which it may be faithfully glossed<br />
as ‘merely’, and one in which it operates as a marker <strong>of</strong> contrastive focus. In both functions it<br />
appears directly following the constituent over which it has scope. It occurs outside <strong>of</strong> all affixal<br />
and clitic morphology associated with the relevant nominal stem. In the former function, shown<br />
in (2.74), a response to the question ‘With what did God create all these things?’, the constituent<br />
over which puRai has scope is the only assertion in the sentence and is not information-structurally<br />
contrastive with any other constituent in the discourse. Note its position outside the instrumental<br />
postposition =pupe.<br />
(2.74) Rakumesapupe puRai.<br />
Ra= kumesa =pupe puRai<br />
3sg.ms= word =instr merely<br />
‘Merely with his words.’<br />
(example (5.3b))<br />
Its function as a marker <strong>of</strong> contrastive focus is shown in (2.75), where it is clear that the puRaimarked<br />
constituent is being contrasted with the non-puRai-marked constituent previously stated.<br />
Note that in this example, puRai intervenes between the nominal predicate and its argument Ranu,<br />
providing further evidence that puRai directly follows the constituent over which it has scope.<br />
(2.75) nati maRai aikiaRa Dios muRa. Dios yaw1k1maipuRakana puRai Ranu.<br />
nati maRai aikiaRa<br />
Dios muRa<br />
neg.indef dem.prox.ms.pro God 3sg.ms<br />
Dios yaw1k1 =mai =puRa =kana puRai Ranu<br />
God make =inact.nomz =nom.pst =pl.ms contr.foc 3pl.ms<br />
‘God is none <strong>of</strong> these things. They are God’s creations.’<br />
(example (5.6b)) 97<br />
The constituent over which puRai has scope may also be a fronted adverbial, as in (2.76).<br />
(2.76) awakaisuaRapuRa. Roaya DioskaisuaRa puRai Raumanu 1m1nua.<br />
96 The modern Omagua reflex sIp1 has come to mean ‘value, price’, as concerns the transaction <strong>of</strong> money.<br />
97 See also footnote 162.<br />
49