draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

e.g., if, when, since, etc. – given that English generally encodes a specific type of non-assertedness.
In modern Omagua, =RaSi most typically appears in the protasis of conditional sentences, although
it is not restricted to this sentence-type alone. In the ecclesiastical texts, incontrovertibly conditional
sentences are difficult to identify, and =RaSi more frequently appears in clauses that must be
described in terms of a more generic non-assertedness, as is argued for here, and shown in (2.61). 90
(2.61) Dios ta1Ra awaRa uwakaRaSi 1m1nua, maRaitipa RaSiRa?
Dios ta1Ra awa =Ra uwaka =RaSi 1m1nua maRai =tipa
God son.male.ego man =nom.purp transform =nass long.ago what =interr
Ra= SiRa
3sg.ms= name
‘The son of God become man, what was his name?’
(example (6.15a))
Throughout the texts we footnote those appearances of =RaSi in which we feel that our English
translation is overly specific in terms of a particular type of non-assertedness, but which we
nevertheless employ to yield a natural-sounding translation.
2.3.7.3 Temporal Relations
The Old Omagua texts exhibit three clause-linking markers that encode the temporal relation
between two clauses in a biclausal sentence. Two of these express the temporal overlap between
the events described in two clauses: =pupekatu ‘when’, used when the two events are construed as
points in time (§2.3.7.3.2); and =kate ‘while’, used when the two events are construed as periods in
time (§2.3.7.3.3). The remaining marker =sakap1R1 encodes temporal posteriority (§2.3.7.3.1).
2.3.7.3.1 Temporal Posteriority =sakap1R1 In biclausal sentences, temporal posteriority is
encoded via the VP-final enclitic =sakap1R1, which attaches to the verb of the temporally anterior
clause. It is attested twice in Old Omagua, once in the Full Catechism and once in Manuel Uriarte’s
diaries, the latter of which is shown in (2.62). Note that our analysis of this morpheme as a VP-final
enclitic is based on its distribution in modern Omagua, although there is no direct evidence for this
in Old Omagua since no objects are present in the two instances in which =sakap1R1 occurs.
(2.62) taumanusakap1R1, eRusu padre ukakate.
ta= umanu =sakap1R1 eRusu padre uka =kate
1sg.ms= die =temp.post take father house =all
‘After I die, take him [my son] to the Father’s house.’
(example (8.6))
Historically, =sakap1R1 grammaticalized from the Proto-Omagua-Kokama postposition *=tsakap1R1
‘behind’, and this function is still attested in modern Kokama-Kokamilla (Vallejos Yopán 2010a:29),
which exhibits a different strategy for encoding temporal posteriority. The spatial-postpositional
function clearly has functional cognates elsewhere in the Tupí-Guaraní family, e.g., Tupinambá
(Lemos Barbosa 1970).
90 Note that polyfunctional non-assertive markers of this type are common in lowland Amazonian languages, e.g., see
Iquito -sa-kaRi (Lai (2009:67-68), Michael (2009:155-156)).
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