draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
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(2.39) ene yumiaw1RaRaSi ta, Roaya [uya]w1R1 tayum1RataRi ene.<br />
ene yumiaw1Ra =RaSi ta Roaya uyaw1R1 ta= yum1Ra -ta =aRi ene<br />
2sg help =nass 1sg.ms neg again 1sg.ms= get.angry -caus =impf 2sg<br />
‘If you help me, I will not anger you again.’<br />
(example (7.4))<br />
The form <strong>of</strong> the clausal negator in the Jesuit texts is unexpected in light <strong>of</strong> extant reconstructions<br />
<strong>of</strong> Proto-Tupí-Guaraní and the modern language. Proto-Tupí-Guaraní exhibits **Ruã (Jensen<br />
1998:547) and the modern language Rua. In fast speech, synchronic Rua frequently surfaces phonetically<br />
as ["Roa] as a result <strong>of</strong> assimilation, a phenomenon which presumably explains the presence <strong>of</strong> o<br />
in Old Omagua Roaya. We posit that the form Roaya is a result <strong>of</strong> the freezing <strong>of</strong> a morphologically<br />
complex negating stem consisting <strong>of</strong> what Jensen (1998:545-549) analyzes as an adverbial negator<br />
**Ruã and a suffix **-i, which elsewhere co-occurs with a prefix **n(a)- ∼ **ni- to negate verbal<br />
predicates (see O’Hagan (2011:112-114)). In this scenario, Old Omagua Roaya (which was most<br />
likely underlyingly Ruaya) reduced to Rua, although it is noteworthy that Roaya is recorded as late<br />
as the 1840s by the French explorer Paul Marcoy (aka Laurent Saint-Cricq) in the Omagua <strong>of</strong> São<br />
Paulo de Olivença (Amazon River), Brazil (Marcoy 1875). 76<br />
2.3.4.2 Core Negator -s1ma<br />
The core negator derives a stem meaning ‘not X’, where X is some property. The form has fallen<br />
out <strong>of</strong> the modern language and is not attested in Kokama-Kokamilla (although the latter shares<br />
a cognate in its clausal negator t1ma). Within the Jesuit texts, it is only attested on the adjective<br />
eRa, as in (2.40), and derives a meaning <strong>of</strong> ‘evil’ from ‘good’. 77<br />
(2.40) yene RasaSitaRaSi, yeneeRas1mamaikanasui yene Rausuepetasenuni, 1watimai Ritamakati yene<br />
RayawaSimatasenuni weRanu.<br />
yene Ra= saSita =RaSi yene= eRa -s1ma =mai =kana<br />
1pl.incl 3sg.ms= love =nass 1pl.incl= good -core.neg =inact.nomz =pl.ms<br />
=sui yene Ra= usuepe -ta =senuni 1wati =mai Ritama =kati<br />
=abl 1pl.incl 3sg.ms= escape -caus =purp be.high.up =inact.nomz village =loc<br />
yene Ra= yawaSima -ta =senuni weRanu<br />
1pl.incl 3sg.ms= arrive -caus =purp coord<br />
‘Since he loves us, in order to save us from our evils and take us to Heaven.<br />
(example (5.12b))<br />
2.3.4.3 Privative =1ma<br />
The privative =1ma derives a stative predicate meaning ‘lacking/without X’, where X is a noun, as<br />
in (2.41), where it occurs on the derived nominal eRas1mamaiwasu ‘great evil’. We analyze it as a<br />
76 The first monographic edition <strong>of</strong> the work documenting Marcoy’s travels in South America appeared in 1869,<br />
although it had been published serially in Paris between 1862 and 1867 in Le Tour du Monde. The first English<br />
edition appeared in 1873 (see bibliographic references in Chaumeil (2001)).<br />
77 Two Old Omagua roots eRa ‘good’ and ayaise ‘wicked’ may function attributively without additional morphological<br />
marking, i.e., they function as true adjectives. Synchronically, all “attributive adjectives” are nominalized stative<br />
verbs, including the reflexes <strong>of</strong> these two forms IRa ‘be good’ and aisI ‘be wicked’. All other nominal modifiers in<br />
Old Omagua appear to be stative verbs that require nominalization to function attributively (e.g., nua ‘be big’).<br />
34