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draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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The latter function is illustrated in (2.32).<br />

nominalize verbs borrowed from Spanish.<br />

Note that in modern Omagua, =yaRa does not<br />

(2.32) cristianokana eRa RanaconfesayaRaRaSi, RanasawaitiaRi weRanu santísimo sacramento?<br />

cristiano =kana eRa Rana= confesa =yaRa =RaSi Rana= sawaiti<br />

Christian =pl.ms good 3pl.ms= confess =poss.nomz =nass 3pl.ms= encounter<br />

=aRi<br />

=impf<br />

weRanu<br />

coord<br />

santísimo sacramento<br />

Holy Sacrament<br />

‘Christians who have confessed properly, will they receive the Holy Sacrament?’<br />

(example (2.32))<br />

In modern Omagua, =yaRa similarly derives a possessive noun, as in (2.33).<br />

(2.33) Modern Omagua<br />

wainúkana, awi RanayapIsaRayaRa.<br />

wainú =kana awi Rana= yapIsaRa =yaRa<br />

woman =pl.ms already 3pl.ms= man =poss.nomz<br />

‘As for the women, they already have husbands.’<br />

(MCT:C4.S3)<br />

In some instances, when the nominal head may not only be construed as an entity that may<br />

be possessed, but also one that may be acted upon or be the result <strong>of</strong> a process, the progressive<br />

=aRi may attach to =yaRa. That is, the presence =aRi forces an active interpretation <strong>of</strong> ‘doing’ in<br />

contrast to a stative interpretation <strong>of</strong> ‘having’. This illustrated in (2.34), from modern Omagua.<br />

(2.34) Modern Omagua<br />

tsIumai tsIamuina. kuuyaRaRi kak1R1 iná.<br />

tsI= umai tsI= amui =na<br />

1sg.fs= remember 1sg.fs= grandfather =pl.fs<br />

kuu =yaRa =aRi kak1R1 iná<br />

swidden =poss.nomz =prog live 3pl.fs<br />

‘I remember my grandparents. They lived farming.’<br />

(AmHT:2011.06.13.1)<br />

2.3 Syntax and Information Structure<br />

In this section we present an overview <strong>of</strong> Omagua syntax and information structure. As before, much<br />

<strong>of</strong> our description here is based on our analysis <strong>of</strong> modern Omagua, but unless noted otherwise, the<br />

analysis that follows is true for both stages <strong>of</strong> Omagua. Conversely, some phenomena we discuss in<br />

this section are attested in Old Omagua but unattested in modern Omagua; we mention all such<br />

cases. We discuss nominal modification (§2.3.2), adpositional phrases (§2.3.3), negation (§2.3.4),<br />

interrogative formation (§2.3.5), noun phrase coordination (2.3.6), clause-linking (§2.3.7), focus<br />

(§2.3.8) and non-verbal predication (§2.3.9).<br />

29

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