draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

More documents

Recommendations

Info

Table 2.11: Modern Omagua Nouns and Verbs Nominalized with -waRa Root Gloss Stem Gloss kaisuma manioc beer kaisumawaRa manioc beer jug kapi grass sp. kapiwaRa capybara kumIsa say, speak kumIsawaRa chatterbox (Sp. charlatán) kuu swidden kuuwaRa farmer manipiaRa fishhook manipiaRawaRa fisherman Ritama village RitamawaRa village inhabitant (Sp. poblador) sas1wa ant sas1wawaRa anteater tiama flute tiamawaRa flute player (Sp. pifanero) yumuita teach yumuitawaRa teacher to fill the functional ground lost by -suRi, namely nominalizing subjects with “neutral” semantics (see the pair kumIsawaRa ‘chatterbox’ versus kumIsasuRi ‘gossip’). This is in stark contrast to the distribution of -waRa in Kokama-Kokamilla. Vallejos Yopán (2010a:230-231) argues that -waRa appears predominantly on transitive verbs, with only two attestations on nouns located in her corpus. However, we consider the endocentric function reconstructable to Proto-Omagua-Kokama given the syntactic distribution of cognates across the Tupí-Guaraní family. 2.2.3.2.5 Container Nominalizer =SiRu A passage from Manuel Uriarte’s diaries exhibits one attestation of what we have described for modern Omagua as a container nominalizer =SiRu, as shown in (2.30). (2.30) kaRayoa, maRiaSiRukate! kaRayoa maRia =SiRu =kate Portuguese Mary =cont.nomz =all ‘Portuguese, to the church!’ 62 (example (8.1)) This morpheme, which is historically related to the Proto-Omagua-Kokama word for ‘container’, 63 and as such stems derived with =SiRu can roughly be characterized as denoting persons or places which “contain” the state or event denoted by the root (Table 2.12). Synchronically, the root SiRu means ‘shirt, clothes’. A more transparent interpretation of ‘container’ is still visible when =SiRu functions endocentrically (Table 2.13), although we should note that these forms appear to be lexicalized and in some cases yield idiosyncratic meanings (e.g., kai ‘white monkey sp.’ but kaiSiRu ‘mischievous boy’). 64 62 In modern Omagua ‘church’ is most often realized as [maR"SiRu] or [maRi"SiRu], and speakers are not aware of a relation to Maria. However, this form is attested (as ) in von Humboldt’s early 19th century sketch of Omagua (von Humboldt 2011:430), and as such must date to at least the 18th century. 63 For cognates, see (among other languages) Sirionó iRu ‘basket’ (Priest and Priest 1985); Tapirapé and Parakanã 1Ro ‘basket’ (Praça 2007; da Silva 2003). 64 One could analyze the forms in Table 2.13 as NP-NP compounds, but given that =SiRu has also extended to derive nouns from verbs, we opt for a nominalization analysis here. 27
Table 2.12: Modern Omagua Verbs Nominalized with =SiRu Root Gloss Stem Gloss aisIkapa be ugly aisIkapaSiRu very ugly person ikua know ikuaSiRu wise person, school Iu eat IuSiRu plate map1R1 be lazy map1R1SiRu lazybones payu witch payuSiRu witch sas1s1ma shout.redup sas1s1maSiRu (Sp. gritón) uka1Ra be stingy uka1RaSiRu stingy person Table 2.13: Modern Omagua Endocentric Nominalizations with =SiRu Root Gloss Stem Gloss kai white monkey sp. kaiSiRu mischievous boy maRia Mary maRiaSiRu church 65 nami ear namiSiRu earring p1ta foot p1taSiRu sock, footprint pua hand puaSiRu ring sIt1ma thigh sItumaSiRu pants tIputi excrement tIputiSiRu entrails uni water uniSiRu water jug y1wa arm y1waSiRu sleeve 2.2.3.2.6 Possessive Nominalizer =yaRa The possessive nominalizer =yaRa, homophonous with the noun yaRa ‘owner, master’ (cf., Sp. dueño), is an enclitic which in Old Omagua exhibits two functions: 1) when functioning endocentrically, it derives a noun that may be construed as the possessor of the nominal head; and 2) when functioning exocentrically, it derives a noun from verbal stems borrowed from Spanish. The former function is illustrated in (2.31). That the non-assertive marker =RaSi (see §2.3.7.2) may attach to a noun here is a result of the fact that it is a non-verbal predicate (nuamai utSayaRa ‘big sinner’) that is not being asserted here. (2.31) cristianokana nuamai utSayaRaRaSi, maRaitipa Ranayaw1k1aRi 1p1pemai [tata tupak w Rape] Ranausumaka? cristiano =kana nua =mai Christian =pl.ms be.big =inact.nomz Rana= yaw1k1 =aRi 1p1pe 3pl.ms= do =impf be.inside =maka =neg.purp utSa sin =mai =inact.nomz =yaRa =RaSi maRai =tipa =poss.nomz =nass what =interr tata tupa =k w aRape Rana= usu fire place =iness 3pl.ms= go ‘Christians, being great sinners, what should they do in order to not go to Hell?’ (example (6.29a)) 28
Page 1 and 2: A Linguistic Analysis of Old Omagua
Page 3 and 4: 2.3.2 Nominal Modification . . . .
Page 5 and 6: List of Tables 1 Morphemes and Abbr
Page 7 and 8: Acknowledgments Our greatest thanks
Page 9 and 10: fut Future tense =usu =usaRi goal G
Page 11 and 12: =Ra nom.purp Nominal purposive nom.
Page 13 and 14: Figure 2: Early Locations of the Om
Page 15 and 16: of Faith. The texts were produced b
Page 17 and 18: summarizing its publication history
Page 19 and 20: 2.1 Phonological Inventory Old Omag
Page 21 and 22: pronouns: free pronouns are shown t
Page 23 and 24: These phonological processes have g
Page 25 and 26: patiRi =k1Ra usu priest =dim go ‘
Page 27 and 28: 2.2.3 Verbal Morphology In this sec
Page 29 and 30: have presumably wanted to overtly e
Page 31 and 32: (O’Hagan and Wauters 2012), i.e.,
Page 33 and 34: is attested in modern Omagua, altho
Page 35 and 36: ta= yapiSika -ta InI iSipu =pupI na
Page 37 and 38: 2.2.3.2.3 Clausal Nominalizers Old
Page 39: 2.2.3.2.4 Subject Nominalizer -suRi
Page 43 and 44: 2.3.1 Basic Clause Structure Omagua
Page 45 and 46: Table 2.16: Order of Modern Omagua
Page 47 and 48: (2.39) ene yumiaw1RaRaSi ta, Roaya
Page 49 and 50: aikiaRa musap1R1ka persona =kana Ro
Page 51 and 52: marked by the purposive =senuni (se
Page 53 and 54: This morpheme has fallen out of the
Page 55 and 56: ‘It is Jesus Christ, the Son of G
Page 57 and 58: e.g., if, when, since, etc. - given
Page 59 and 60: ‘You rest while we go work.’ Mo
Page 61 and 62: yene= =ikua Ra= susana =RaSi cruz =
Page 63 and 64: awa =kai =suaRa =puRa man =? =advbl
Page 65 and 66: 2.3.9 Non-Verbal Predication Non-ve
Page 67 and 68: Chapter 3 Text Conventions This cha
Page 69 and 70: given for a very similar Quechua ca
Page 71 and 72: central vowel /1/. The high central
Page 73 and 74: Chapter 4 Lord’s Prayer 4.1 Bibli
Page 75 and 76: text is unclear, although it should
Page 77 and 78: (4.2) a. Ene nuamai ritama teneruri
Page 79 and 80: ename 139 ne= iSaRi tanu 140 ukukui
Page 81 and 82: The Jesuit missionary mentioned in
Page 83 and 84: (5.2) a. i. Maraitipa Dios mura? ii
Page 85 and 86: (5.5) a. i. Aguerepa Dios amiti? ii
Page 87 and 88: . i. Dios semai raicua zenoni, mura
Page 89 and 90: ii. Dios Taegrasemai, Ahua guaca em
Page 91 and 92:
La copia del original me fue entreg
Page 93 and 94:
(6.3) a. i. Mara e pupe Dios yahueq
Page 95 and 96:
(6.7) a. i. Marae rapa Dios yahuequ
Page 97 and 98:
(6.10) a. i. Ayquiara musa puereca
Page 99 and 100:
ii. Virgen Santa Maria ceuecacuarap
Page 101 and 102:
iii. yeneikua RasusanaRaSi, cruzaRi
Page 103 and 104:
(6.20) a. i. Era Xtiano cana Dios c
Page 105 and 106:
ii. Roaya, miaracanayacatu yennezum
Page 107 and 108:
(6.26) a. i. Mura quarasschi pupe m
Page 109 and 110:
(6.28) a. i. Mare tipa Ahuacana y a
Page 111 and 112:
target: ‘Grieving with all their
Page 113 and 114:
iii. m1t1R1pe 1p1sasui comulgayaRay
Page 115 and 116:
muRia -i ta= saRa ta= ĩya =mukui =
Page 117 and 118:
Chapter 7 Profession of Faith Below
Page 119 and 120:
c. upai tautSakana eRa taconfesayaR
Page 121 and 122:
When Uriarte and his Jesuit compani
Page 123 and 124:
Uriarte’s own, and as such we do
Page 125 and 126:
(Uriarte [1776]1986:ibid.) goes on
Page 127 and 128:
wiSani =puRa tenepeta 290 muRa be.d
Page 129 and 130:
eRaya usu yene= patiRi =kana well g
Page 131 and 132:
9.1 Jesuit Interactions with the Om
Page 133 and 134:
Ecuador), 314 were sent to found a
Page 135 and 136:
of Kambeba lived as far downriver a
Page 137 and 138:
empeño para (sic) entroducir en la
Page 139 and 140:
There is ample evidence that Quechu
Page 141 and 142:
Chantre y Herrera (1901:93) similar
Page 143 and 144:
El P. Ignacio María Franciscis fue
Page 145 and 146:
versions of ecclesiastical texts in
Page 147 and 148:
9.3 Jesuit Language Use in Old Omag
Page 149 and 150:
(9.8) wakutatara wakuta -tara carry
Page 151 and 152:
espíritu santo =sui muRa virgen sa
Page 153 and 154:
the former Spanish sense was the on
Page 155 and 156:
A passive-like effect is achieved b
Page 157 and 158:
maRai =tipa Dios what =interr God
Page 159 and 160:
‘Where is God?’ b. 1watimai Rit
Page 161 and 162:
maRai =ikua =tipa Dios yaw1k1 upa =
Page 163 and 164:
aikiaRa musap1R1ka persona =kana uy
Page 165 and 166:
Table 9.2: Summary of Grammatical D
Page 167 and 168:
ely on translation from a Quechua m
Page 169 and 170:
Jesuits succeeded in bringing a sig
Page 171 and 172:
conclusion to be drawn from the his
Page 173 and 174:
Cabral, Ana Suelly Arruda Camara an
Page 175 and 176:
Edmundson, George. 1922. Introducti
Page 177 and 178:
Lemos Barbosa, Antonio. 1970. Peque
Page 179 and 180:
Porro, Antonio. 1994. Social Organi
Page 181:
Veigl, Franz Xavier. 1789. Status p
show all

draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

Create successful ePaper yourself

Delete template?

Save as template?