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(O’Hagan and Wauters 2012), i.e., with an additional final syllable present, stress would have been
assigned in an expected right-aligned trochaic pattern, yielding penultimate stress. 42
The grammaticalization trajectory described above is problematic in that it entails that Old
Kokama-Kokamilla =aRi grammaticalized as a future, retaining its distribution as a VP-final enclitic,
but further grammaticalized to become a verbal affix encoding progressive aspect, as it did in
Omagua (see above). However, two points of evidence suggest that this is indeed the origin of
Kokama-Kokamilla =á. On the one hand, Espinosa Pérez (1935:47) lists a form as an
alternant to the additional Kokama-Kokamilla future =utsu, which presumably corresponds to the
=á documented by Vallejos Yopán. Furthermore, modern Omagua future =(u)saRi grammaticalized
from =usu=aRi (see (2.13)), which suggests that the grammaticalization of Proto-Omagua-Kokama
*=aRi into a future is a recent occurrence in both languages (see footnote (41)), perhaps occurring
under mutual influence between speakers of the two languages, though involving different forms. 43
2.2.3.1.3 upa ‘come to an end, run out’ The verb upa is a minor verb (in the sense of
Aikhenvald (2006)) in a serial verb construction 44 that encodes the exhaustion of the event denoted
by the predicate, as in (2.15). We discuss it here because of the aspectual reading it imparts on the
construction in which it participates. It is homophonous with the universal quantifier.
(2.15) yeneikuasenuni Diossemai se, yenesaSitasenuni muRa Dios, RakumesamaipuRakana yeneamuyasukatasenuni,
aikiaRa tuyukaaRi yeneyuRitiupaRaSi, 1watimai Ritamakate yeneususenuni.
yene= ikua =senuni Dios =semai se yene= saSita =senuni muRa Dios
1pl.incl= know =purp God =verid ? 1pl.incl= love =purp 3sg.ms God
Ra= kumesa =mai =puRa =kana yene= amuyasukata =senuni
3sg.ms= say =inact.nomz =nom.pst =pl.ms 1pl.incl= observe =purp
aikiaRa tuyuka =aRi yene= yuRiti =upa =RaSi 1wati
dem.prox.ms land =loc.diff 1pl.incl= be.in.place =cess =nass be.high.up
=mai Ritama =kate yene= usu =senuni
=inact.nomz village =all 1pl.incl= go =purp
‘So that we may truly know God, so that we may love him, so that we may observe his
commandments, and ceasing to remain on Earth, so that we may go to Heaven.’
(example (6.8b))
Although a thorough discussion of serial verbs in modern Omagua is outside the scope of this
chapter, the class of minor verbs in the modern language includes the verbs of motion usu ‘go’, uRi
‘come’ and ukua ‘go about’, as well as the posture verb yuRiti ‘be in a place’. The use of usu in a
serial verb construction is attested in Old Omagua (see §2.2.3.1.1). 45
42 It is possible (at least for a subset of these morphemes) that what appears to be a diachronic process of final
CV truncation in many grammatical morphemes in Kokama-Kokamilla, as described above, is rather a synchronic
process whereby certain final CVs are truncated only when the morphemes in which they occur appear stem-finally,
but are retained when additional clitics follow (see the alternations in the instrumental postposition =pu(pe) in
Vallejos Yopán (2010a:280-286)).
43 In the later missionization period, Kokama and Omagua lived on some of the same mission settlements. This is
reported for San Joaquín de Omaguas from the mid-18th century (Uriarte [1776]1986); Sarayacu (Ucayali river),
a Franciscan site, in the early 19th century (Lehnertz 1974:271); and Lagunas (Huallaga river), the head of the
Jesuit missions until 1768 (Yuyarima Tapuchima, p.c.). Trade patterns existed between residents of San Joaquín
de Omaguas and groups of the upper Ucayali as late as 1828 (Maw 1829:185), although it is unknown whether the
latter were Sarayacu residents. These facts make the possibility for contact-induced changes quite likely.
44 See footnote 32.
45 See Michael et al. (in prep) for a more detailed analysis of modern Omagua serial verbs.
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