draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
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locative *=aRi (O’Hagan 2011:89-90), cognates <strong>of</strong> which in Proto-Tupí-Guaraní are phonologically<br />
independent postpositions (Jensen 1998:514).<br />
In Old Omagua (both in the ecclesiastical texts and in the passages from the diaries <strong>of</strong> Manuel<br />
Uriarte (Ch. 8)) =aRi is recruited to encode future tense as well as deontic modality. We analyze<br />
these functions as pragmatic extensions <strong>of</strong> a marker <strong>of</strong> an open aspectual class (as opposed to a<br />
marker <strong>of</strong> a closed aspectual class such as a perfective). The future tense function is illustrated in<br />
(2.12) & (2.13), and the deontic function in (2.14).<br />
(2.12) maniasenuni muRa k w a[Ra]Sipupe yeneyaRa jesucristo uyaw1R1 RauRiaRi?<br />
mania =senuni muRa k w aRaSi =pupe yene= yaRa jesucristo uyaw1R1<br />
what.action =purp 3sg.ms day =instr 1pl.incl= master Jesus.Christ again<br />
Ra=<br />
3sg.ms=<br />
uRi<br />
come<br />
=aRi<br />
=impf<br />
‘Why will our Lord Jesus Christ come again on that day?’<br />
(example (6.25a))<br />
(2.13) uyaw1R1 upa yenekak1R1usuaRi.<br />
uyaw1R1<br />
again<br />
upa<br />
all<br />
yene= kak1R1 =usu =aRi<br />
1pl.incl= live =and =impf<br />
‘Again we will all go to live.’<br />
(example (6.24b))<br />
(2.14) maRitipa awakana yaw1k1aRi 1p1pemai tata tupak w aRape Ranausumaka?<br />
maRi =tipa awa =kana yaw1k1 =aRi 1p1pe =mai tata tupa<br />
what =interr person =pl.ms do =impf be.inside =inact.nomz fire place<br />
=k w aRape<br />
=iness<br />
Rana=<br />
3pl.ms=<br />
usu<br />
go<br />
=maka<br />
=neg.purp<br />
‘What should people do in order to not go to Hell?’<br />
(example (6.28a))<br />
Interestingly, Kokama-Kokamilla exhibits a VP-final future tense enclitic =á, which appears to<br />
be a grammaticalization <strong>of</strong> the Proto-Omagua-Kokama imperfective *=aRi, a function still retained<br />
in Old Omagua as shown in =aRi shown in (2.12) and (2.13) above. It is part <strong>of</strong> a small class <strong>of</strong><br />
monosyllabic grammatical morphemes in the language that attract their own stress, yielding final<br />
stress, a pattern that is otherwise atypical within Kokama-Kokamilla and Omagua prosody (Vallejos<br />
Yopán (2010a:119-124), Sandy and O’Hagan (2012b)). All other members <strong>of</strong> this class <strong>of</strong> morphemes<br />
historically exhibited an additional syllable that explains their synchronically aberrant stress pattern<br />
‘May our father live, may he live, and God will make you well.’<br />
(Maroni ([1738]1988:224, gloss and translation ours), originally excerpted in Rodríguez (1684))<br />
The original reads Caquire tanu papa, caquere vra Dios icatotonare and is translated by Lucero as ‘Quédate con<br />
Dios hombre esforzado, Dios te guarde y te dé mucha vida’ (ibid.). Kokama who Lucero had induced to live at<br />
Santa María de Ucayali (located upriver from Lagunas on the Huallaga river), were fleeing a smallpox epidemic<br />
that began in June 1680, and advising Lucero that he do the same.<br />
17
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