draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
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2.2.3 Verbal Morphology<br />
In this section we turn to a discussion <strong>of</strong> Omagua verbal morphology. Unlike the nominal domain,<br />
verbal morphology consists <strong>of</strong> a broader combination <strong>of</strong> suffixes and enclitics. We analyze<br />
the Omagua verb phrase as consisting <strong>of</strong> a number <strong>of</strong> morphologically fixed positions, occupied by<br />
functionally distinct suffixes and clitics. A leftmost preverbal position is filled by free pronouns or<br />
referential NPs that encode the person and number <strong>of</strong> an argument. This position is followed by<br />
a morphologically independent negator, and then an additional position that is filled by pronominal<br />
proclitics that encode the person and number <strong>of</strong> an argument. Typically, only one preverbal<br />
argument position is filled, although doubling may occur with information-structurally marked interpretations.<br />
A series <strong>of</strong> suffixal positions follow the verb, and these may be filled by activizer, causative,<br />
iterative, reciprocal, attenuative, completive, distributive and progressive morphemes (see Michael<br />
et al. (in prep) for details). With the exception <strong>of</strong> the causative and the progressive, the remaining<br />
suffixes are unattested in the ecclesiastical texts and do not participate in this sketch. Furthermore,<br />
there is good evidence to believe that the progressive marker had a different distribution within the<br />
VP in Old Omagua (and in Proto-Omagua-Kokama) than in the modern language (see below).<br />
Following the set <strong>of</strong> verbal suffixes comes a position that may be filled by pronominal proclitics<br />
that encode the person and number <strong>of</strong> an argument (the object). This is followed by a set <strong>of</strong> enclitics<br />
that encode direction/position, tense, modality and function as clause-linkers. 32 An additional<br />
argument position appears to the right <strong>of</strong> all enclitics, which may be filled by free pronouns or<br />
referential NPs. Doubling <strong>of</strong> morphemes in these two postverbal argument positions does not<br />
occur, as it does for those in the two preverbal positions.<br />
These positions and the functions <strong>of</strong> the morphemes that occupy them may be summarized as in<br />
Table 2.6. 33 Dots indicate that, synchronically, additional positions exist between the morphemes<br />
that bracket those dots, but which are outside the scope <strong>of</strong> this work. Note that we assume such<br />
morphemes to have existed in Old Omagua, as they are also attested in Kokama-Kokamilla.<br />
Table 2.6: Modern Omagua Verb Phrase Structure<br />
pers neg pers= v ... -caus ... -prog pers= =dir =tns =mod pers<br />
Lastly, it is important to note that the Old Omagua imperfective marker =aRi was a clitic that<br />
followed clitics encoding direction. Since the time at which these texts were written, =aRi has<br />
become a bound affix -aRi that appears in the rightmost suffixal position and encodes a narrower<br />
range <strong>of</strong> semantic distinctions (see §2.2.3.1.2).<br />
In what follows we review tense, aspect and mood (§2.2.3.1), and derivational morphology<br />
(§2.2.3.2), including a causative, applicative and a series <strong>of</strong> nominalizers. As mentioned above, a<br />
wider set <strong>of</strong> verbal morphology exists in modern Omagua than is attested in the ecclesiastical texts,<br />
and much <strong>of</strong> this falls outside the scope <strong>of</strong> this chapter (see Michael et al. (in prep)). Additionally,<br />
some verbal morphology falls outside the scope suggested by the schema in Table 2.6, and we discuss<br />
the distribution <strong>of</strong> those morphemes on a case-by-case basis.<br />
32 Enclitics that encode directional and positional semantics are analyzed as serial verb constructions in Michael et al.<br />
(in prep). We do not discuss that analysis here for issues <strong>of</strong> space.<br />
33 pers = person; neg = negation; V = verb; caus = causative; prog = progressive; dir = direction; tns = tense;<br />
mod = modality.<br />
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