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ene putaRi 2sg desire(?) =kate =loc tene Ra= opt =mai =inact.nomz yaw1k1 muRa maiRamania 1wati =mai Ritama 3sg.ms= do 3sg.ms exactly(.as) be.high.up =inact.nomz village =Ra =i weRanu aikiaRa tuyuka Ritama =kate weRanu =nom.fut =? coord dem.prox.ms land village =loc coord ‘...thy will be done, on Earth as it is in Heaven.’ (example (4.3)) This morpheme is attested only once in Old Omagua with this function, and is not attested in modern Kokama-Kokamilla. It is nevertheless clearly reconstructable to Proto-Omagua-Kokama based on cognates such as Tupinambá and Kamaiurá -Ram (Lemos-Barbosa (1956:101-102); Seki (2000)). Interestingly, =Ra has fully grammaticalized in both modern Omagua and Kokama- Kokamilla into a purposive marker that attaches to nouns, and it is likely that this latter function is reconstructable to Proto-Omagua-Kokama, given that it is also attested in Old Omagua, as in (2.8), a response to the question, ‘Why did God create all these things?’. (2.8) yeneeRamaiRa. yene= eRa =mai =Ra 1pl.incl= good =inact.nomz =nom.purp ‘For our well-being.’ (example (6.7b)) In this view, the nominal future function of =Ra was likely on its way out before the two languages split, but it is worth noting that the double functional load encompassing tense and purpose appears to be quite old in the Tupí-Guaraní family, and what appears to be a Proto-Omagua-Kokamainternal grammaticalization path from future to purposive is perhaps better described as the loss of the former function in Proto-Omagua-Kokama (see O’Hagan (2012b) and comments in §2.3.8.1). 2.2.2.5 Possession Nominal possession is expressed via NP-NP apposition, where the first NP is the possessor and the latter is the possessum. 30 Pronominal possessors must be proclitics (see Table 2.2), otherwise a predicative interpretation obtains (see footnote 30). (2.9) Dios ta1Ra awaRa uwaka 1m1nua. Dios ta1Ra awa =Ra 31 uwaka 1m1nua God son.male.ego man =nom.purp transform long.ago ‘The son of God became man.’ (example (6.11b)) 30 Note that NP-NP apposition may also yield a predicative interpretation (see §2.3.9). 31 The nominal purposive =Ra marks the noun that denotes the resulting state of the single argument of the verb uwaka ‘transform’. 13
2.2.3 Verbal Morphology In this section we turn to a discussion of Omagua verbal morphology. Unlike the nominal domain, verbal morphology consists of a broader combination of suffixes and enclitics. We analyze the Omagua verb phrase as consisting of a number of morphologically fixed positions, occupied by functionally distinct suffixes and clitics. A leftmost preverbal position is filled by free pronouns or referential NPs that encode the person and number of an argument. This position is followed by a morphologically independent negator, and then an additional position that is filled by pronominal proclitics that encode the person and number of an argument. Typically, only one preverbal argument position is filled, although doubling may occur with information-structurally marked interpretations. A series of suffixal positions follow the verb, and these may be filled by activizer, causative, iterative, reciprocal, attenuative, completive, distributive and progressive morphemes (see Michael et al. (in prep) for details). With the exception of the causative and the progressive, the remaining suffixes are unattested in the ecclesiastical texts and do not participate in this sketch. Furthermore, there is good evidence to believe that the progressive marker had a different distribution within the VP in Old Omagua (and in Proto-Omagua-Kokama) than in the modern language (see below). Following the set of verbal suffixes comes a position that may be filled by pronominal proclitics that encode the person and number of an argument (the object). This is followed by a set of enclitics that encode direction/position, tense, modality and function as clause-linkers. 32 An additional argument position appears to the right of all enclitics, which may be filled by free pronouns or referential NPs. Doubling of morphemes in these two postverbal argument positions does not occur, as it does for those in the two preverbal positions. These positions and the functions of the morphemes that occupy them may be summarized as in Table 2.6. 33 Dots indicate that, synchronically, additional positions exist between the morphemes that bracket those dots, but which are outside the scope of this work. Note that we assume such morphemes to have existed in Old Omagua, as they are also attested in Kokama-Kokamilla. Table 2.6: Modern Omagua Verb Phrase Structure pers neg pers= v ... -caus ... -prog pers= =dir =tns =mod pers Lastly, it is important to note that the Old Omagua imperfective marker =aRi was a clitic that followed clitics encoding direction. Since the time at which these texts were written, =aRi has become a bound affix -aRi that appears in the rightmost suffixal position and encodes a narrower range of semantic distinctions (see §2.2.3.1.2). In what follows we review tense, aspect and mood (§2.2.3.1), and derivational morphology (§2.2.3.2), including a causative, applicative and a series of nominalizers. As mentioned above, a wider set of verbal morphology exists in modern Omagua than is attested in the ecclesiastical texts, and much of this falls outside the scope of this chapter (see Michael et al. (in prep)). Additionally, some verbal morphology falls outside the scope suggested by the schema in Table 2.6, and we discuss the distribution of those morphemes on a case-by-case basis. 32 Enclitics that encode directional and positional semantics are analyzed as serial verb constructions in Michael et al. (in prep). We do not discuss that analysis here for issues of space. 33 pers = person; neg = negation; V = verb; caus = causative; prog = progressive; dir = direction; tns = tense; mod = modality. 14
Page 1 and 2: A Linguistic Analysis of Old Omagua
Page 3 and 4: 2.3.2 Nominal Modification . . . .
Page 5 and 6: List of Tables 1 Morphemes and Abbr
Page 7 and 8: Acknowledgments Our greatest thanks
Page 9 and 10: fut Future tense =usu =usaRi goal G
Page 11 and 12: =Ra nom.purp Nominal purposive nom.
Page 13 and 14: Figure 2: Early Locations of the Om
Page 15 and 16: of Faith. The texts were produced b
Page 17 and 18: summarizing its publication history
Page 19 and 20: 2.1 Phonological Inventory Old Omag
Page 21 and 22: pronouns: free pronouns are shown t
Page 23 and 24: These phonological processes have g
Page 25: patiRi =k1Ra usu priest =dim go ‘
Page 29 and 30: have presumably wanted to overtly e
Page 31 and 32: (O’Hagan and Wauters 2012), i.e.,
Page 33 and 34: is attested in modern Omagua, altho
Page 35 and 36: ta= yapiSika -ta InI iSipu =pupI na
Page 37 and 38: 2.2.3.2.3 Clausal Nominalizers Old
Page 39 and 40: 2.2.3.2.4 Subject Nominalizer -suRi
Page 41 and 42: Table 2.12: Modern Omagua Verbs Nom
Page 43 and 44: 2.3.1 Basic Clause Structure Omagua
Page 45 and 46: Table 2.16: Order of Modern Omagua
Page 47 and 48: (2.39) ene yumiaw1RaRaSi ta, Roaya
Page 49 and 50: aikiaRa musap1R1ka persona =kana Ro
Page 51 and 52: marked by the purposive =senuni (se
Page 53 and 54: This morpheme has fallen out of the
Page 55 and 56: ‘It is Jesus Christ, the Son of G
Page 57 and 58: e.g., if, when, since, etc. - given
Page 59 and 60: ‘You rest while we go work.’ Mo
Page 61 and 62: yene= =ikua Ra= susana =RaSi cruz =
Page 63 and 64: awa =kai =suaRa =puRa man =? =advbl
Page 65 and 66: 2.3.9 Non-Verbal Predication Non-ve
Page 67 and 68: Chapter 3 Text Conventions This cha
Page 69 and 70: given for a very similar Quechua ca
Page 71 and 72: central vowel /1/. The high central
Page 73 and 74: Chapter 4 Lord’s Prayer 4.1 Bibli
Page 75 and 76: text is unclear, although it should
Page 77 and 78:
(4.2) a. Ene nuamai ritama teneruri
Page 79 and 80:
ename 139 ne= iSaRi tanu 140 ukukui
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The Jesuit missionary mentioned in
Page 83 and 84:
(5.2) a. i. Maraitipa Dios mura? ii
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(5.5) a. i. Aguerepa Dios amiti? ii
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. i. Dios semai raicua zenoni, mura
Page 89 and 90:
ii. Dios Taegrasemai, Ahua guaca em
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La copia del original me fue entreg
Page 93 and 94:
(6.3) a. i. Mara e pupe Dios yahueq
Page 95 and 96:
(6.7) a. i. Marae rapa Dios yahuequ
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(6.10) a. i. Ayquiara musa puereca
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ii. Virgen Santa Maria ceuecacuarap
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iii. yeneikua RasusanaRaSi, cruzaRi
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(6.20) a. i. Era Xtiano cana Dios c
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ii. Roaya, miaracanayacatu yennezum
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(6.26) a. i. Mura quarasschi pupe m
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(6.28) a. i. Mare tipa Ahuacana y a
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target: ‘Grieving with all their
Page 113 and 114:
iii. m1t1R1pe 1p1sasui comulgayaRay
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muRia -i ta= saRa ta= ĩya =mukui =
Page 117 and 118:
Chapter 7 Profession of Faith Below
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c. upai tautSakana eRa taconfesayaR
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When Uriarte and his Jesuit compani
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Uriarte’s own, and as such we do
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(Uriarte [1776]1986:ibid.) goes on
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wiSani =puRa tenepeta 290 muRa be.d
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eRaya usu yene= patiRi =kana well g
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9.1 Jesuit Interactions with the Om
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Ecuador), 314 were sent to found a
Page 135 and 136:
of Kambeba lived as far downriver a
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empeño para (sic) entroducir en la
Page 139 and 140:
There is ample evidence that Quechu
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Chantre y Herrera (1901:93) similar
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El P. Ignacio María Franciscis fue
Page 145 and 146:
versions of ecclesiastical texts in
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9.3 Jesuit Language Use in Old Omag
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(9.8) wakutatara wakuta -tara carry
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espíritu santo =sui muRa virgen sa
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the former Spanish sense was the on
Page 155 and 156:
A passive-like effect is achieved b
Page 157 and 158:
maRai =tipa Dios what =interr God
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‘Where is God?’ b. 1watimai Rit
Page 161 and 162:
maRai =ikua =tipa Dios yaw1k1 upa =
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aikiaRa musap1R1ka persona =kana uy
Page 165 and 166:
Table 9.2: Summary of Grammatical D
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ely on translation from a Quechua m
Page 169 and 170:
Jesuits succeeded in bringing a sig
Page 171 and 172:
conclusion to be drawn from the his
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Cabral, Ana Suelly Arruda Camara an
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Edmundson, George. 1922. Introducti
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Lemos Barbosa, Antonio. 1970. Peque
Page 179 and 180:
Porro, Antonio. 1994. Social Organi
Page 181:
Veigl, Franz Xavier. 1789. Status p
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