draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
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Table 2.3: Old Omagua Free Pronouns and Pronominal Proclitics in Jesuit Texts<br />
singular plural<br />
masculine speech<br />
1 taa / t(a)= tanu<br />
1incl<br />
yene / yen(e)=<br />
2 ene / ne= epe / pe=<br />
3 muRa / R(a)= Rana<br />
2.2.1.2 Vowel Hiatus Resolution<br />
Two postlexical phonological processes may occcur at morpheme boundaries involving a pronominal<br />
proclitic (which are all vowel-final) and a vowel-initial root. In slow, careful speech, both vowels<br />
are pronounced, but in fast speech, the final vowel <strong>of</strong> the proclitic either deletes or coalesces with<br />
the vowel to its right, depending on the one hand on the root-initial vowel in question, and on the<br />
other, the person, number and genderlect <strong>of</strong> the pronoun. When the root begins with 1, both vowels<br />
are obligatorily realized, even in fast speech. When the root begins with i, I, u or a, the final vowel<br />
<strong>of</strong> the proclitic deletes, with the exception <strong>of</strong> a in 1sg.ms ta=, which coalesces. These patterns are<br />
summarized for masculine speech pronominal proclitics and vowel-initial verb roots in Table 2.4;<br />
these processes operate identically with nominal roots. 21 When the pronominal proclitic in question<br />
is in the feminine genderlect, only deletion occurs. 22<br />
Table 2.4: Vowel Coalescence and Deletion Patterns (masculine speech)<br />
Singular<br />
Plural<br />
Marker Verb Realization Marker Verb Realization Gloss<br />
aki [taki]<br />
aki [tanaki] enter<br />
ikua [tekua] ikua [tanikua] know<br />
ta= IRIwa [teRIwa] tana= IRIwa [tanIRIwa] return<br />
usu [tosu] usu [tanusu] go<br />
aki [naki]<br />
aki [paki] enter<br />
ikua [nikua] ikua [Ranikua] know<br />
nI= IRIwa [nIRIwa] pI= IRIwa [pIRIwa] return<br />
usu [nusu] usu [pusu] go<br />
aki [Raki]<br />
aki [Ranaki] enter<br />
ikua [Rikua] ikua [Ranikua] know<br />
Ra= IRIwa [RIRIwa] Rana= IRIwa [RanIRIwa] return<br />
usu [Rusu] usu [Ranusu] go<br />
21 Alternate vowel hiatus resolution strategies occurring at the boundary <strong>of</strong> pronominal proclitics and vowel-initial<br />
roots have been described for Kokama-Kokamilla (see Vallejos Yopán (2010a:201, 210-214)); similar vowel-deletion<br />
processes carry over even to environments with consonant-initial roots, creating consonant clusters that are otherwise<br />
atypical in the language (see Vallejos Yopán (2010a:130-132)). Unlike Kokama-Kokamilla, final vowels <strong>of</strong><br />
pronominal proclitic in Omagua are obligatorily realized before consonant-initial roots.<br />
22 Recall that female speech exhibits a 3sg allomorph R=, such that verb stems with third-person singular subjects<br />
pronounced in fast speech are identical in both genderlects.<br />
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