draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley
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pronouns: free pronouns are shown to the left <strong>of</strong> the slash, proclitics are shown to the right;<br />
parenthetical vowels are deleted in fast speech when they co-occur with vowel-initial roots.<br />
Table 2.2: Modern Omagua Free Pronouns and Pronominal Proclitics<br />
singular<br />
plural<br />
masc. speech fem. speech masc. speech fem. speech<br />
1 taa / t(a)= tsII / ts(I)= taná / tan(a)= tsIná / tsIn(a)=<br />
1incl<br />
yini / yin(i)=<br />
2 InI / n(I)= IpI / p(I)=<br />
3 muRa / R(a)= ãi / i= ∼ R= Raná / Ran(a)= iná / in(a)=<br />
In the 1sg, free pronoun and pronominal proclitic are distinguished by vowel quantity. This<br />
alternation in quantity is the result <strong>of</strong> a broader bimoraic minimum word requirement that applies<br />
to nouns. 20 In the 1pl and 3pl, free pronouns and proclitics are distinguished via stress placement,<br />
where the former receive a final stress that is otherwise atypical within Omagua prosody. In the<br />
2sg, 2pl and 3sg the distinction is a segmental one. In the 1incl, neither length, stress or form<br />
distinguish the free pronoun from proclitic; such distinctions may only be made based on whether<br />
yini(=) forms a prosodic word with its host, that is, whether it is assigned its own stress or falls<br />
within the domain <strong>of</strong> stress assignment <strong>of</strong> the verbal stem. Two alternants are attested for the<br />
third-person feminine-speech proclitic: i= and R=. The former occurs with consonant-initial roots,<br />
the latter with vowel-initial roots.<br />
Since that the Jesuit texts are written entirely in the masculine genderlect, there are no attestations<br />
<strong>of</strong> feminine genderlect pronouns in them. However, given that the genderlect system is<br />
also found in modern Kokama and hence, we assume, reconstructable to Proto-Omagua-Kokama,<br />
we infer that the genderlect system was present in Old Omagua. Old Omagua does not appear<br />
to distinguish via stress placement the pronominal and proclitic forms <strong>of</strong> the 1pl.excl and 3pl<br />
as the modern language does; only penultimate stress is attested on these forms. Relatedly, the<br />
Lord’s Prayer text exhibits a 1pl.excl.ms tanu, as opposed to modern tana. These differences are<br />
intriguing, as u-final 1pl.excl and 3pl forms with no stress alternation are reported in synchronic<br />
descriptions <strong>of</strong> Kokama-Kokamilla (Faust (1972:17); Vallejos Yopán (2010a:200-214)), and are reconstructed<br />
for Proto-Omagua-Kokama. However, an in-depth discussion <strong>of</strong> the history <strong>of</strong> Omagua<br />
and Kokama-Kokamilla pronouns is outside the scope <strong>of</strong> this work. The forms attested in the Jesuit<br />
texts are given in Table 2.3.<br />
sensitive to both the gender <strong>of</strong> the speaker and <strong>of</strong> the referent; in the plural they are sensitive only to the gender<br />
<strong>of</strong> the speaker (Dobson 1988:28). A similar system is found in Awetí (Tupí), where 1sg, 3sg and 3pl independent<br />
pronouns are sensitive to the gender <strong>of</strong> the speaker (Drude 2002:179). In Tupinambá (Tupí-Guaraní), modal<br />
particles have been reported to exhibit genderlect differences (Lemos Barbosa 1956:374-375), although independent<br />
pronouns and person cross-referencing prefixes do not.<br />
20 Evidence from the interaction <strong>of</strong> nouns and nominal number marking indicates that two vowels (as opposed a single<br />
long vowel) are present underlyingly, given which we represent these forms orthographically with two vowels (e.g.,<br />
kuu [ku:] ‘swidden’ verus kuuna [ku"una] ‘swiddens.fs’). Note that the morphosyntactic environment necessary to<br />
prove this underlying structure is not available for pronouns, but given that we assume the surface length <strong>of</strong> free<br />
pronouns to be motivated by the same phonological constraint, we represent them in the same manner as nouns.<br />
8