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draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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ely on translation from a Quechua model, a common first step in ecclesiastical text preparation<br />

by the Maynas Jesuits (see §9.2.4). Fritz was also the longest-serving Jesuit missionary among the<br />

Omaguas, 382 giving him ample time in which to prepare and make use <strong>of</strong> the texts. And given<br />

his prominence in the Jesuit hierarchy <strong>of</strong> Maynas, it is very likely that the ecclesiastical texts he<br />

developed were both archived in Santiago de la Laguna and served as the basis for the versions that<br />

we analyze here.<br />

With Fritz’s departure for Lagunas in 1704 to serve as Superior begins a long period characterized<br />

<strong>of</strong> significant upheavals and dislocations for the Omaguas and the missionaries who worked with<br />

them. Between 1710 and 1723 in particular, there was no stable Jesuit presence among the Omaguas<br />

(see §9.1), making it unlikely that further work on ecclesiastical texts was carried out until the<br />

successful re-establishment <strong>of</strong> San Joaquín de Omaguas in 1723 by Bernard Zurmühlen and Johannes<br />

Baptist Julian. Since by this time the Jesuit linguistic and textual practices we describe in §9.2<br />

were presumably well established, it is likely that they brought with them to the new settlement<br />

copies <strong>of</strong> earlier linguistic and ecclesiastical materials produced, one assumes, by Fritz. 383<br />

Although San Joaquín de Omaguas was stable after the mid-1720s, it was not until the arrival<br />

<strong>of</strong> Martín Iriarte in 1748 that any missionary spent more than three years among the Omagua since<br />

Sanna, some 40 years earlier. 384 It is clear that Iriarte spoke Omagua fluently (see §9.2.2), and<br />

since he stayed in San Joaquín for eight years, would have had ample time to improve Omagua<br />

ecclesiastical texts. Indeed, even if these texts had been entirely lost in the years following Fritz’s<br />

departure (an unlikely event in any case, given the practice <strong>of</strong> maintaining copies in Santiago de la<br />

Laguna and Quito, as well as in the principal mission site), Iriarte would probably have been able<br />

to re-create them. Iriarte is thus the first clear candidate for a major contributor to the Omagua<br />

ecclesiastical texts since Fritz.<br />

Manuel Uriarte succeeded Iriarte in 1756, but the brief Omagua passages from his diaries are<br />

heavily calqued (see Chapter 8), casting doubt on his ability to contribute to the ecclesiastical texts,<br />

which for the most part appear to reflect considerable knowledge <strong>of</strong> Omagua grammar.<br />

The last priest stationed in San Joaquín, Josef Palme, arrived in 1764 and stayed until the Jesuits<br />

were entirely expelled from Maynas 1768. Little is known about Palme’s facility with Omagua, but<br />

it is certainly conceivable that he contributed to polishing the ecclesiastical texts. Note, however,<br />

that Palme could not have had any influence on the Catechism Fragment, since that text had been<br />

taken by Franciscis before Palme’s arrival (see §5.1.1 and footnote 350). If Palme contributed to<br />

what comes down to us as the Full Catechism, this may account for some minor variation between<br />

the two texts. We conclude from this survey that some or all <strong>of</strong> the Old Omagua ecclesiastical<br />

texts that we analyze in this volume are likely based on versions created by Samuel Fritz in the<br />

382 Fritz worked among the Omagua between 1685 and 1704, with two long absences from Omagua mission settlements<br />

(in addition to two journeys to Quito): 1) his trip to and subsequent imprisonment in Pará (modern-day Belém,<br />

Brazil) from September 1689 until July 1691; 2) a stay in Lima that lasted from July 1692 until May 1693<br />

(Edmundson 1922:24-26).<br />

383 Fritz may have archived his work in Quito during his trips there in 1701 and 1707 (Edmundson (1922:28-29);<br />

Anonymous ([1731]1922:107-108, 115)) or in Santiago de la Laguna in 1704, when he became Superior. Note also<br />

that both Zurmühlen and Julian could have continued their interaction with a much smaller group <strong>of</strong> Omagua<br />

while Superiors at Lagunas (see footnote 315), and archived any written records there.<br />

384 Here it is important to mention the Omagua <strong>manuscript</strong>s written by Wilhelm Grebmer (see §9.2.2). Although<br />

it is unclear whether these constituted ecclesiastical or linguistic texts, or both, they would have been based on<br />

work with Omaguas living in Yurimaguas, where he was missionary in 1735, or at Santiago de la Laguna, where<br />

he would have resided during his tenure as Superior from 1744 to 1748 (Jouanen 1943:722). Both Yurimaguas<br />

and Santiago de la Laguna were highly stable settlements by this period, and Grebmer would have most certainly<br />

archived his writings at the latter site, although this entire collection was destroyed in a fire that decimated that<br />

parrish in 1749. However, he left his position as Superior to become Provincial in Quito, and it is possible that he<br />

took a copy <strong>of</strong> his writings to archive in Quito just before the 1749 fire.<br />

154

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