draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

target: ‘Grieving with all their heart, because they angered God, and truly wanting
to obey, they should confess all of their sins to the celebrant (?).’
spanish: ‘Dolerse de todo corazón de haber enojado a Dios, tan bueno, con sus
pecados, y proponiendo hacer penitencia, confesarlos todos al sacerdote, que está en
lugar de Dios y le absolverá de todos ellos.’
(6.30) a. i. Christiano cana era rana confessa ya raraschi rana sahuiteari veranu Santísimo
Sacramento?
ii. Christianocana era ranaconfessayararaschi, ranasahuiteari veranu Santisimo Sacramento?
iii. cristianokana eRa RanaconfesayaRaRaSi, RanasawaitiaRi weRanu santísimo sacramento?
cristiano =kana eRa Rana= confesa =yaRa =RaSi Rana=
Christian =pl.ms good 3pl.ms= confess =poss.nomz =nass 3pl.ms=
sawaiti 228
encounter
=aRi
=impf
weRanu
coord
santísimo sacramento
Holy Sacrament
close: ‘Christians, they who properly have confessions, will they encounter the
Holy Sacrament?’
target: ‘Christians who have confessed properly, will they receive the Holy Sacrament?’
spanish: ‘Y el cristiano bien confesado, ¿podrá recibir el Santísimo Sacramento?’
b. i. Ranacahuai icari.
ii. Rana cahuaiicari.
iii. RanasawaitiaRi.
Rana= sawaiti 229 =aRi
3pl.ms= encounter =impf
221 At this point we interpolate the collocation tata tupak w aRape between 1p1pemai and Rana=, since it is clear from
the corresponding Spanish that the 1p1pemai that appears in this sentence is the first element of the neologism
1p1pemai tata tupak w aRape ‘Hell’, as in in (6.28b). Note that Espinosa Pérez (1935:161), in his representation of this
sentence interpolates here, suggesting either that Espinosa made essentially the same judgment,
or that these words were present in the original manuscript, and that Bayle failed to copy them.
222 We interpret the string as a copying error of the word ‘heart’, where had a large upward loop
at the right edge of the that resembled an .
223 See footnote 217.
224 The presence of the parentheses here is difficult to understand, since the material in the parentheses seems necessary
for the sentence to be grammatical and sensible. We interpret the as the postposition =supe, and treat
it as part of the preceding clause, given that the nominal compound misa yaw1k1taRa patiRi ‘mass-making priest’
would not otherwise be licensed in the clause.
225 The modern Omagua word ĩya ‘heart’, is one of a small number of words that exhibit nasal vowels.
226 Here aise appears with morphology distinct from that in (6.15b) (see also footnote 192), further evidence that
aise is a root. The function of is unclear, although it is clearly functionally distinct from the interrogative
enclitic =pa. It has no reflexes in modern Omagua or Kokama-Kokamilla, although we suggest that here it has an
adverbializing function.
227 In modern Omagua, sapiaRi is polysemous, meaning both ‘obey’ and ‘believe’. We gloss it as ‘obey’ throughout
the ecclesiastical texts, since that appears to the appropriate interpretation in the contexts in which the word
appears, and because the ‘obey’ sense appears to be the historically prior one, based on the meanings of cognate
forms in other Tupí-Guaraní languages (e.g., Tupinambá apiaR ‘obedecer a’ (Lemos Barbosa 1951:31)). In fact,
the polysemy of Omagua sapiaRi, which can be reconstructed to Proto-Omagua-Kokama, appears to be the result
of the collapse of two distinct roots (see also Tupinambá RobiaR ‘crer, acreditar em’ (Lemos Barbosa 1951:140)),
perhaps via the causativized reflexive form of RobiaR ‘crer, acreditar em’, mojeRobiaR ‘honrar, obedecer’ (Lemos
Barbosa 1951:94).
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