The Contribution of Women to Peace and Reconciliation
The Contribution of Women to Peace and Reconciliation
The Contribution of Women to Peace and Reconciliation
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war, as the precondition for the process <strong>of</strong> peace-building. Bosiljka<br />
Schedlich sums <strong>of</strong> her experience as follows:<br />
“Personally dealing with one’s experiences from the war means not only<br />
ending the nightmares, but also developing trust in human society. Indeed,<br />
this is the basic precondition for process from which personal <strong>and</strong><br />
societal capacity for peace <strong>and</strong> nonviolence can emerge. This is true both<br />
for the victims <strong>and</strong> for the perpetra<strong>to</strong>rs.” (Report, pp. 123).<br />
Contemplating the War in Yugoslavia<br />
<strong>The</strong> disintegration <strong>and</strong> war in Yugoslavia is <strong>of</strong> particular importance for<br />
Europe. First, because Europe – <strong>and</strong> particularly the EU – fell in<strong>to</strong> a state<br />
<strong>of</strong> shock when faced with this war, <strong>and</strong> became incapable <strong>of</strong> action; sec -<br />
ond, because the development <strong>of</strong> the conflict <strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> the war in Yugoslavia<br />
certainly provide a scenario for what could happen if the EU were<br />
<strong>to</strong> fall apart. Yugoslavia was a multiethnic state, a leader <strong>of</strong> the so-called<br />
neutral nations during the Cold War, a model <strong>of</strong> far-reaching federalism,<br />
<strong>and</strong> the model for democratic <strong>and</strong> non-authoritarian socialism, <strong>and</strong> hence<br />
was for a long time an example for development in other countries.<br />
None <strong>of</strong> this did any good when it came <strong>to</strong> preventing the insanity <strong>of</strong><br />
war. <strong>The</strong> essential lesson for Europe from the Yugoslav War is that his<strong>to</strong>ric<br />
conflicts can break out anew at any time, <strong>and</strong> that war can returned<br />
<strong>to</strong> Central Europe.<br />
<strong>The</strong> first violent conflicts, the students’ <strong>and</strong> workers’ strike in Kosovo,<br />
began in 1981. For ten years, until the outbreak <strong>of</strong> the war, the national<br />
<strong>and</strong> ethnic conflicts developed before the eyes <strong>of</strong> the Yugoslav <strong>and</strong> European<br />
public without anybody taking any notice. <strong>The</strong> outbreak in the<br />
course <strong>of</strong> the war ultimately <strong>to</strong>ok place in the shadow <strong>of</strong> the upheaval<br />
in Europe in 1989, <strong>and</strong> the dissolution <strong>of</strong> the Soviet Union in 1991. None -<br />
theless, the fact that the emergence <strong>of</strong> the conflict was not noticed at<br />
all is unique, <strong>and</strong> requires deeper reflection, beyond the scope <strong>of</strong> the<br />
present project.<br />
<strong>The</strong> composition <strong>of</strong> Yugoslavia after the Second World War, with six republics<br />
<strong>and</strong> two au<strong>to</strong>nomous provinces, with various nationalities <strong>and</strong><br />
religions, had after all stuck <strong>to</strong>gether for thirty-five years until Ti<strong>to</strong>’s<br />
death, passing through various reform processes. <strong>The</strong> transformation<br />
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