The Contribution of Women to Peace and Reconciliation

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RELIGION AND POLITICS: ISLAM AND JUDAISM – A RELIGIOUS OR A NATIONAL CONFLICT? A SMALL ANECDOTE FROM MY POLITICAL WORK On the eve of the Israeli military disengagement from Hebron in the mid 1990s, I was asked by Bat Shalom to organize a women’s joint rally for peace in Hebron. Intensive meetings were held with the Palestinian women leaders of Hebron, including negotiations over jointly agreedupon messages and slogans for the rally, in the context of a very tense climate, with extremist Jewish settlers threatening Israeli woman activ - ists, and the Israeli army pressuring us to prevent the women’s joint march on the streets of Hebron. When the women finally met for the rally at the spot, they pulled out banners in Arabic, Hebrew and English. One of the banners in Arabic stated: “Hebron – a Palestinian, Arab and Muslim city.” Among the Israeli women, a group of religious women was present. They were rightfully irritated by the banner. Religiously, Hebron is as Jewish as Muslim. Though I am a secular woman, I do not ignore that the common legend and the Jewish collective consider Abraham as the father of the Jewish community. Personally, I felt deceived by those with whom I had negotiated so long for agreeable slogans. Spiritually, I do not deny the Jewish connection to Hebron, although politically, I call for an end to Israeli control of Hebron. Certain earlier positions refer to the peaceful co-existence between Jew - ish communities and the Muslim world – in contrast to the relation be - tween Jews and Christians in Europe, characterized by persecution and discrimination. Well, it is true. Yet, tolerance towards the Jewish commu - nities by the Muslim world was only conceivable as long as non-Islamic communities committed themselves to the rules of the game, dictated by Muslim domination. This state of affairs underwent a radical change with the emergence of the Zionist idea. The main meaning of the Zionist idea for Jews was the transformation of power distribution. Jews became, by the virtue of the Zionist idea, a distinctive political entity, claiming a separate, political sta- 186
tus in place of that of protected religious communities. The Zionist challenge also ran up against emerging Arab nationalism, with its Western notion of affairs. From the Jewish-Zionist point of view, the definition of the Jewish collective identity is contradictory and confusing. The usual definition of nationality is complex enough: a common language, a common culture, common ethnic origin, history, territory, and/ or a combination of all or some of these? The Jews in the world, it is claimed, do not share a common language, culture, ethnic or genetic ancestry, have no common territory, and history and beliefs of Jewish communities vary. The only common element is religion and religious civilization, either directly (among the orthodox) or vague and distant, or even rejected (among the secular). With the definition of the Israeli state as a “Jewish” state, the Israeli state must necessarily fail to become an entity that safeguards and regulates the common interest of a pluralistic civil society and the communities in its boundaries. This confusion between religious and secular definitions and terminologies derived partly from the existential conflict with the Arab world, in which Israel and the Zionist movement were engaged since its inception, a century ago. This national-political conflict over land and domination provided the political leadership the opportunity to translate the political and the military threat by the Arab world into the terminology of ancient collective fears of the Jewish communities, experienced in the long history of Jewish Diaspora. This common fear of the Jewish communities in the diaspora created and deepened their solidarity with the Jewish collective, the citizens of Israel. This fear brings with it an entire cultural aspects and environment: the hatred of the “goyim”, the fear of “pogroms”, Jewish pride, etc. Ironically, this culture, exactly what the founding fathers of Zionism wished to rebel against and reject, is encountering “renaissance” within the inde - pendent state, equipped with arms and nuclear weapons. 187
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The Contribution of Women to Peace
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Rosa Luxemburg Foundation Brussels
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PROJECT REPORT THE CONTRIBUTION OF
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tribunes and now at the Internation
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NGOs, but also through their own au
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Two world views: Peacebuilding and
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posing certain populations, raciall
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In the second work step, key questi
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so that in times of crisis, people
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confidence of the people, who frequ
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morial culture was to be forged, na
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in Bosnia-Herzegovina so far that t
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war, as the precondition for the pr
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of the conflicts have proven to be
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We can draw many lessons from the w
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mali elite, which competed with the
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The third stage, which I call warlo
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Shukria Dini concludes her report w
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To date, the women’s initiatives
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the expulsion of the Tutsi from Rwa
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In 1961, the destruction of the Tut
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against British facilities. The res
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Palestine There are no secrets in t
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At the same time, Lama Hourani reco
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tention for children with special n
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of the Golan Heights, the West Bank
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nations and clashes between the Isr
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� “Collective trauma and the ep
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has been an opportunity to exchange
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In July 2005, at a strategic planni
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Israeli peace movement is a weak, c
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total of thirty resolutions of the
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Yugoslavia is to some extent an exc
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Women’s networks show the effecti
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much of history remains alive in th
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Expansionist Serbian nationalism de
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structured, and the monarch was giv
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The representative of the constitue
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small organization with only some 3
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goslav state presented itself as th
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ered and led to painful realization
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longer returned to the countryside.
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the old national tensions. In the s
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The Programme for the Long-Term Con
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No rational analysis which balanced
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erships made several suggestions du
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first free elections in June 1990.
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overwhelm the others. The Serbian l
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change. In the underground and duri
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The anti-bureaucratic revolution wa
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war in Bosnia-Herzegovina and to br
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sary. Of course there were exceptio
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in 1918, it had satisfied the needs
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and intellectual elites who led the
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their experiences in court, the UN
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Resistance to the war in former Yug
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At a few places in Croatia, several
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of the Serbian government, and foun
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Working conditions for women’s or
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important war criminals, is creatin
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Many came to südost. It was not po
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was told about war and horror were
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The on-going conflict in Somalia is
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an effective strategy for the colon
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men, who profited from their coloni
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such as the liberation of Kuwait fr
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Page 145 and 146: As in other conflict zones, women i
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Page 149 and 150: Somali women used all kinds of crea
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Page 155 and 156: epresenting him. The God of Rwandan
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Page 159 and 160: Oct. 26, 1961: Grégoire Kayibanda
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Page 171 and 172: REPORT ON ISRAEL MOLLY MALEKAR, TEL
Page 173 and 174: The remarkable military victory of
Page 175 and 176: The continuous official Israeli pro
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Page 191 and 192: Travelling often to the occupied te
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Page 215 and 216: UNRWA also provides technical and v
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Page 233 and 234: Council Resolution 1325 that calls
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sist on the resumption of negotiati
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The third activity of the IWC has f
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Looking retroactively to all the ye
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standing any more. He wanted me to
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I always had intensive contacts to
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Cultural events form a framework in
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INTERVIEW WITH SHUKRIA DINI, NAIROB
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With my education and experience, I
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INTERVIEW WITH YOLANDE MUKAGASANA,
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witness, and that’s the only thin
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Certainly I see myself living on th
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Today, we have been thrown back fur
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A very hard experience with war was
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had to teach me the paragraph about
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sein invaded Kuwait, which made it
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inging in other men and even childr
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I got out of Gaza in 2007. I still
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I faced a great challenge to do wel
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In the mid-’70s, Yasser Arafat an
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ANNEX PROJECT CONCEPT Women’s Con
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KEY POINTS FOR REPORTING ON CONFLIC
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� What role did the work of women
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USPID, Unione Scienziati per il Dis
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Toda Institute, for Global Peace an
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Yolande Mukagasana is a widow and s
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Rosa-Luxemburg-Foundation Brussels
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