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The Contribution of Women to Peace and Reconciliation

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was even refined <strong>to</strong> the point <strong>of</strong> advocating the departure <strong>of</strong> Tutsi first,<br />

since they had arrived first, even at the risk <strong>of</strong> dem<strong>and</strong>ing the departure<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Westerners later, since they had arrived more recently. Kayib<strong>and</strong>a<br />

<strong>and</strong> the MDR-Parmehutu supported such returns home in that order, at<br />

the risk <strong>of</strong> appearing ungrateful in the eyes <strong>of</strong> those who had developed<br />

“assisted democracy” – such as Governor Harroy. Similar plans existed<br />

for Burundi, where the Tutsi had retained power after independence; the<br />

Burundians had the chance <strong>to</strong> see them start in Rw<strong>and</strong>a, <strong>and</strong> thus had<br />

the advantage <strong>of</strong> the forewarned. Also because <strong>of</strong> the mirror effect,<br />

Rw<strong>and</strong>ans, terrified by the Inkotanyi attack <strong>of</strong> 1990, saw in the 1993 murder<br />

<strong>of</strong> Burundian President Melchior Ndadaye, the first Hutu <strong>to</strong> hold that<br />

<strong>of</strong>fice, a foreboding <strong>of</strong> their own fate: this haunting image now whipped<br />

up Hutu extremism <strong>and</strong> revived the “twin syndrome”, in which nothing<br />

could happen <strong>to</strong> one without happening <strong>to</strong> the other.<br />

<strong>The</strong> habit <strong>of</strong> killing had been established in Rw<strong>and</strong>a since 1959, <strong>and</strong> soon<br />

became a routine, the routine <strong>of</strong> killing Tutsis with impunity. Routine<br />

dulls the senses <strong>and</strong> the sensitivity: when it comes <strong>to</strong> killing Tutsis, killing<br />

one or killing two, killing many or killing few – what difference does<br />

it make, so what? To kill them all, without the idea becoming unbearable,<br />

all you have <strong>to</strong> do is assign a large enough number <strong>of</strong> killers <strong>to</strong> reduce<br />

the average number <strong>of</strong> murders per individual <strong>to</strong> the point where the<br />

idea becomes acceptable. You only have <strong>to</strong> read the numerous testimonies<br />

(see the latest book by Jean Hatzfeld, Machete Season) <strong>to</strong> see that<br />

this statement was part <strong>of</strong> ordinary conversations, <strong>and</strong> emerged, somehow,<br />

from its macabre feasibility.<br />

Conclusions: After all that, the genocide <strong>to</strong>ok place. We have seen that<br />

genocide is the ultimate outcome <strong>of</strong> the refusal <strong>and</strong> inability <strong>to</strong> live <strong>to</strong>gether<br />

(kubana). Others have <strong>to</strong>ld you that, or you tell it <strong>to</strong> others. I<br />

would like <strong>to</strong> conclude with three thoughts.<br />

<strong>The</strong> first is that, since <strong>and</strong> after the genocide, all reasonable Rw<strong>and</strong>ans,<br />

Hutu, Tutsi or Twa, reflected <strong>and</strong> made their choice in a trilemma: separation<br />

(gutura ukubiri), extermination (kumarana), or living <strong>to</strong>gether (kubana).<br />

<strong>The</strong> Rw<strong>and</strong>an nation has chosen, once again, <strong>to</strong> live <strong>to</strong>gether.<br />

Ultimately, Rw<strong>and</strong>a has found that the best way <strong>to</strong> live <strong>to</strong>gether is nei -<br />

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