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The Contribution of Women to Peace and Reconciliation

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In 1959, in a telegram <strong>to</strong> the UN, Kayib<strong>and</strong>a, founder <strong>of</strong> the MDR-Parmehutu<br />

<strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> the First Republic, called for the establishment <strong>of</strong> a Hutul<strong>and</strong><br />

<strong>and</strong> a Tutsil<strong>and</strong>; by 1960, this dem<strong>and</strong> had been transformed in<strong>to</strong> one for<br />

the exile <strong>of</strong> the Tutsis; between 1962 <strong>and</strong> 1994, within Rw<strong>and</strong>a, <strong>to</strong> the institutionalization<br />

<strong>of</strong> the exclusion <strong>of</strong> Tutsis; <strong>and</strong> by 1994, <strong>to</strong> the attempt <strong>to</strong><br />

exterminate the Tutsis by genocide, which is the extreme form <strong>of</strong> refusal<br />

<strong>to</strong> live <strong>to</strong>gether (kubana), <strong>and</strong> thus the rejection <strong>of</strong> the nation.<br />

A genealogy can be traced from the ideas <strong>of</strong> difference (affirmed by<br />

Western observers) <strong>to</strong> the action <strong>of</strong> extermination (undertaken by the<br />

killers <strong>of</strong> 1994):<br />

<strong>The</strong> alien status <strong>of</strong> the Tutsi served <strong>to</strong> justify their status as second-class<br />

citizens within Rw<strong>and</strong>a (the Tutsi is nothing more than a resident citizen<br />

who has duties <strong>to</strong> the Hutu, Rw<strong>and</strong>a’s sole owners), which produced,<br />

externally, the Tutsi refugees. <strong>The</strong> ideology proclaimed in 1960 by the<br />

MDR-Parmehutu in its “Moving Appeal”, called on the Tutsis <strong>to</strong> leave<br />

Rw<strong>and</strong>a, which was not their country, <strong>and</strong> <strong>to</strong> return <strong>to</strong> the place <strong>of</strong> origin<br />

assigned them by the “Western scholars”. Rather than departing for<br />

any such hypothetical place <strong>of</strong> origin, the Tutsis fled <strong>to</strong> the countries bordering<br />

Rw<strong>and</strong>a.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re soon developed among the Tutsi refugee an attitude <strong>of</strong> rejection<br />

<strong>to</strong>wards exile, which conflicted with their attitude <strong>of</strong> rejection <strong>of</strong> return<br />

<strong>and</strong> coexistence, based on the argument <strong>of</strong> the smallness <strong>of</strong> the country.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Tutsi refugees believed since the ‘60s that all that remained for<br />

them was <strong>to</strong> force a return <strong>to</strong> Rw<strong>and</strong>a. <strong>The</strong> looming forcible return <strong>of</strong><br />

the Tutsi probably engendered the idea <strong>of</strong> extermination. Since 1964,<br />

the word “genocide” had become common; Kayib<strong>and</strong>a delivered it in a<br />

speech in March 1964 by announcing that if by chance the Tutsis should<br />

want <strong>to</strong> take Kigali; that would mean the extermination <strong>of</strong> their race – in<br />

other words, genocide. He shouted it out; the word <strong>and</strong> the idea were<br />

in the air, <strong>and</strong> the idea slowly began <strong>to</strong> circulate in certain circles <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Hutu elite that the extermination <strong>of</strong> Tutsis would be somehow feasible,<br />

given their small numbers. In 1994, this idea was nourished by other<br />

fac<strong>to</strong>rs, which appeared on the scene when the transition <strong>to</strong> action ar -<br />

r ived. Thus, first came the word (in 1964), then the feasibility (throughout<br />

165

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