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The Contribution of Women to Peace and Reconciliation

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opportunity <strong>to</strong> emerge from the violence. Once again, the international<br />

community was turning its back on Somalia <strong>and</strong> its people.<br />

Once the international peacekeepers left Somalia, the ruthless warlords<br />

<strong>and</strong> their armed militias re-asserted their power <strong>and</strong> control over the impoverished<br />

<strong>and</strong> war-ravaged people. From 1994 <strong>to</strong> 2006, Somalia re -<br />

mained a stateless nation run by violent warlords <strong>and</strong> their militias. From<br />

early 1990s until 2008, the international community sponsored sixteen<br />

peace <strong>and</strong> reconciliation conferences; however, all these international<br />

efforts failed <strong>to</strong> solve the political problems in Somalia, the reason being<br />

that they were not Somali owned. <strong>The</strong>y were designed <strong>and</strong> organized<br />

by external sponsors <strong>and</strong> not the Somalis who were supposed <strong>to</strong> do the<br />

actual reconciliation. In addition, the warlords were the main Somali participants<br />

in the conferences, <strong>and</strong> they did not support the transitional<br />

governments which emerged from these meetings. One <strong>of</strong> them, the<br />

Arta peace process in Djibouti, was noted by all Somalis as the only participa<strong>to</strong>ry<br />

<strong>and</strong> successful peace conference where members <strong>of</strong> the civil<br />

society, women, youth, Somalis from the diaspora, traditional leaders<br />

<strong>and</strong> intellectuals participated <strong>and</strong> collectively drafted political solutions<br />

for their war-<strong>to</strong>rn nation.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Arta Conference <strong>of</strong>fered an opportunity for Somalis <strong>to</strong> rebuild a state<br />

<strong>and</strong> recover from violence, <strong>and</strong> also produced the Transitional National<br />

Government (TNG), witha two-year m<strong>and</strong>ate <strong>to</strong> establish the rule <strong>of</strong> law<br />

<strong>and</strong> reconstitute state institutions. In 2002, when the TNG’s m<strong>and</strong>ate<br />

ended, another peace conference was held in Nairobi, Kenya, which<br />

lasted until 2004 <strong>and</strong> led <strong>to</strong> the formation <strong>of</strong> Transitional Federal Government<br />

(TFG), with a similar five-year m<strong>and</strong>ate. <strong>The</strong> TFG led by Abdullahi<br />

Yusuf spent its first year in Nairobi, as it was unable <strong>to</strong> relocate <strong>to</strong> Mogadishu,<br />

which was still under the control <strong>of</strong> warlords. In 2005, it succeeded<br />

in establishing itself in Jowhar, a small <strong>to</strong>wn outside <strong>of</strong> Mo gadishu,<br />

for a year <strong>and</strong> a half, <strong>and</strong> moved <strong>to</strong> Baidoa in south-central Somalia<br />

the next year. Like its predecessor, this TFG <strong>to</strong>o faced a number <strong>of</strong> challenges,<br />

including religious opposition groups like the United Islamic<br />

Courts (UIC), which succeeded in dismantling the control <strong>of</strong> warlords in<br />

southern <strong>and</strong> central Somalia. <strong>The</strong> UIC did not support the TFG, <strong>and</strong> considered<br />

themselves the legitimate rulers.<br />

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