TheImprovement ofTropical and Subtropical Rangelands
TheImprovement ofTropical and Subtropical Rangelands TheImprovement ofTropical and Subtropical Rangelands
3 The Economic Context The previous chapter dealt with the behavioral characteristics of groups of people living on, or using, arid and semiarid lands. This chapter focuses on the economic behavior of the individual or the individual household. Economic analysis of pastoral management practices has proved difficult for several reasons. First, many analysts have a tendency to consider the household as one homogeneous decision-making unit, with the "head" of the household as the decision-making director. In fact, households are heterogeneous and not always clearly defined, and decision-making is generally delegated to a large number of individual household members who may not share the same interests. Surveys that used the (male) family head as the sampling or observation unit have therefore yielded incomplete or biased data, leading to biased conclusions. Second, many studies have limited the focus ofthe analysis to one aspect of household activities-only land management or only animal performance, for example. These single-commodity approaches fail to incorporate interactions among various household enterprises. Therefore, the predictive value of the analysis for household behavior is low. Third, any economic analysis is based upon the identification of determinants and their impact. Even when successful in identifying important factors, allocating values ("impact") to these factors has
THE ECONOMIC CONTEXT 55 proved extremely difficult. In resource-poor environments such as arid rangelands, the assessment ofvalues iI highly time- and locationspecific. Not only do values vary over time and space, but also among individuals, households, tribes, and generations. The cost (negative value) of soil degradation will be felt more by future generations than by present ones (who might be causing the degradation). Fourth, and related to the third point, is the difficulty in U8e88ing the social costs and benefits (as opposed to the private values). Communal grazing is believed to occur with virtually no cost to the herders, but with possible social costs (in the case of overgrazing) to the society as a whole. In the same vein, the long-term costs are not necessarily the same as the short-term costs. This problem is aggravated by the fact that the life span of range management projects is generally limited to 10 years or lel!8, even in projects that attempt to deal with long-term problems, such as desertification and erosion. Another example of social costs is the negative effect that a project might have on resources or persons outside the project area. For example, the development of a pocket of highly productive rangeland for crop cultivation might have a negative impact on the usefulness of the surrounding low-quality rangeland because during a drought period cattle would not have access to a highly productive forage source (Sanford, 1983). Other social costs or benefits include the impact of interventions on employment and equity. Finally, we cannot overlook the fact that many projects have failed for reasons other than inadequate economic analysis. For example, biological scientists and technicians have often provided projects with short-term, single-commodity technical input-output relationships that have contributed to illusionary expectations of possible changes in management behavior. For some time, pastoralists have therefore been labeled "irrational," but this allegation has been refuted by a growing number of case studies. Cattle portfolio models developed in industrial countries have found useful applications in pastoral situations (Jarvis, 1980j Ariza-Nino and Shapiro, 1984), and elements of Mrican and Asian range management systems are finding application in industrialized countries (National Research Council, 1984). RANGE SYSTEMS A range system is the arrangement of soils, water, crops, livestock, labor, and other resources that the manager works according
- Page 13 and 14: OVERVIEW 3 associated with the exte
- Page 15 and 16: OVERVIEW 5 results, they must be su
- Page 17 and 18: OVERVIEW 7 higher levels of biologi
- Page 19: OVERVIEW 9 of approaching this obje
- Page 23 and 24: Introduction In this report, rangel
- Page 25 and 26: INTRODUCTION 15 protein per hour of
- Page 27 and 28: INTRODUOTION 17 Moreover, grain cro
- Page 29 and 30: Sudan 66 million hectlln8 (permanen
- Page 31 and 32: Zambia Countrywide, Upper Zambesi (
- Page 33 and 34: People's Democratic Republic ofVeme
- Page 35 and 36: Saudi Arabia Countrywide 85 miIllon
- Page 37 and 38: Arghaniatan 30 million hectara Low
- Page 39 and 40: INTRODUCTION 29 knowledge, adaptati
- Page 41 and 42: 1 The Nature ofTropical and Subtrop
- Page 43 and 44: THE NATURE 0' TROPIOAL AND SUBTROPI
- Page 45 and 46: THE NA.TURE OF TROP/OAL AND SUBTROP
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- Page 73 and 74: THE EOONOMIO OONTEXT 63 and returns
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THE ECONOMIC CONTEXT 55<br />
proved extremely difficult. In resource-poor environments such as<br />
arid rangel<strong>and</strong>s, the assessment ofvalues iI highly time- <strong>and</strong> locationspecific.<br />
Not only do values vary over time <strong>and</strong> space, but also among<br />
individuals, households, tribes, <strong>and</strong> generations. The cost (negative<br />
value) of soil degradation will be felt more by future generations than<br />
by present ones (who might be causing the degradation).<br />
Fourth, <strong>and</strong> related to the third point, is the difficulty in U8e88ing<br />
the social costs <strong>and</strong> benefits (as opposed to the private values).<br />
Communal grazing is believed to occur with virtually no cost to the<br />
herders, but with possible social costs (in the case of overgrazing)<br />
to the society as a whole. In the same vein, the long-term costs<br />
are not necessarily the same as the short-term costs. This problem<br />
is aggravated by the fact that the life span of range management<br />
projects is generally limited to 10 years or lel!8, even in projects that<br />
attempt to deal with long-term problems, such as desertification <strong>and</strong><br />
erosion. Another example of social costs is the negative effect that<br />
a project might have on resources or persons outside the project<br />
area. For example, the development of a pocket of highly productive<br />
rangel<strong>and</strong> for crop cultivation might have a negative impact on the<br />
usefulness of the surrounding low-quality rangel<strong>and</strong> because during<br />
a drought period cattle would not have access to a highly productive<br />
forage source (Sanford, 1983). Other social costs or benefits include<br />
the impact of interventions on employment <strong>and</strong> equity.<br />
Finally, we cannot overlook the fact that many projects have<br />
failed for reasons other than inadequate economic analysis. For<br />
example, biological scientists <strong>and</strong> technicians have often provided<br />
projects with short-term, single-commodity technical input-output<br />
relationships that have contributed to illusionary expectations of<br />
possible changes in management behavior.<br />
For some time, pastoralists have therefore been labeled "irrational,"<br />
but this allegation has been refuted by a growing number of<br />
case studies. Cattle portfolio models developed in industrial countries<br />
have found useful applications in pastoral situations (Jarvis,<br />
1980j Ariza-Nino <strong>and</strong> Shapiro, 1984), <strong>and</strong> elements of Mrican <strong>and</strong><br />
Asian range management systems are finding application in industrialized<br />
countries (National Research Council, 1984).<br />
RANGE SYSTEMS<br />
A range system is the arrangement of soils, water, crops, livestock,<br />
labor, <strong>and</strong> other resources that the manager works according