TheImprovement ofTropical and Subtropical Rangelands
TheImprovement ofTropical and Subtropical Rangelands TheImprovement ofTropical and Subtropical Rangelands
42 IMPROVEMENT OF TROPIOAL AND SUBTROPIOAL RANGELANDS FIGURE 2-2 Mixed herd in Af&oJe, lOu'hern Somalia. (A. E1mi) and goats all have different water requirements, feed preferences, and reproductive rates. Brawsere-camela and goats-are1_afFected by annual fluctuations in rainfall and in grua production than cattle and sheep. Small stock such as sheep and goats have high reproduction rates when they are well nourished. They can thus be used to build up herds rapidly after droughts or to take advantage of two or three cOlUleCutive wet years. Not only did traditional pastoralists diversify their herds, but they also had other sources oflivelihood. Putoralists in the Sahara, Asia, and the Andes were often heavily involved in long distance caravan trade, in the mining of salt, and/or in military pursuits. Often they ruled or exacted tribute from sedentary groupe, which provided them with agricultural products. As a result, pastoralists, like agro-pastoralists, developed diversified sources of livelihood to prevent over-reliance on any particular aspect of the environment. One consequence of this dive1'8ification was to reduce the impact of man on any single ecological niche. Societies living in marginal areas have many institutions to fa. cilitate diversification and mobility. One important institution is the land-tenure system. In general, the private ownership ofland in such [ 1.)ltIZ ,d byCoogIe
THE SOOIAL OONTEXT FOR RANGELAND IMPROVEMENT 43 regions is rare, except in those places where irrigation or other conditions made permanent cultivation possible. Land ownership in these areas was, and still is to a large extent, collective. In areas of shifting cultivation, the cultivator had use rights to a piece of land as long as it was cultivated, but did not have an inalienable right to that land. Such rights belonged to a large group-a village, commune, clan, or tribe. Rights to grazing lands and forest lands are also collective. However l in this case there are no user rights to individual pieces of land. Although an individual might habitually use a pasture or forest, mobility is essential to responding to fluctuations in precipitation and plant production, making exclusive assignments of land impractical. Often the boundaries between the territories of different pastoral groups are imprecisely defined, and relations of kinship and reciprocity exist that permit groups to temporarily use the pastures and forests of others. Collective ownership of pasture and forestlands is also more economical than individual tenure. The low and variable annual productivity of theee lands makes the cost of maintaining fences and access roads to individual plots prohibitive. Under these conditions, if mobility is not impeded by private ownership of lands, all users of collective lands benefit &om higher levels of production. AJJ the discuaion above indicates, collective ownership of land facilitated both mobility and diversification. Therefore, a large proportion of range and forest lands remains today under the control of localities or as part of the public domain in Europe, Japan, and North America. To say that lands are collectively awned does not imply completely open and unregulated access. That would lead to a "tragedy of the commons" situation such as that described by Hardin (1968), where individuals would each increase their herds or their use of the foreets until the productive capacity of the resource was destroyed. Such unregulated exploitation of the environment ignores the fact that members of subsistence groups depend upon each other for their survival and are not individuals single-mindedly pursuing personal gain at all costs (Runge, 1981). Also, it is illogical to suggest that any group would stand by and let their subsistence base be destroyed. The "tragedy" historically appears to occur where competition over land and its resources increases, and where differential access
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- Page 39 and 40: INTRODUCTION 29 knowledge, adaptati
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THE SOOIAL OONTEXT FOR RANGELAND IMPROVEMENT 43<br />
regions is rare, except in those places where irrigation or other conditions<br />
made permanent cultivation possible. L<strong>and</strong> ownership in these<br />
areas was, <strong>and</strong> still is to a large extent, collective. In areas of shifting<br />
cultivation, the cultivator had use rights to a piece of l<strong>and</strong> as long as<br />
it was cultivated, but did not have an inalienable right to that l<strong>and</strong>.<br />
Such rights belonged to a large group-a village, commune, clan, or<br />
tribe.<br />
Rights to grazing l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong> forest l<strong>and</strong>s are also collective. However<br />
l<br />
in this case there are no user rights to individual pieces of l<strong>and</strong>.<br />
Although an individual might habitually use a pasture or forest, mobility<br />
is essential to responding to fluctuations in precipitation <strong>and</strong><br />
plant production, making exclusive assignments of l<strong>and</strong> impractical.<br />
Often the boundaries between the territories of different pastoral<br />
groups are imprecisely defined, <strong>and</strong> relations of kinship <strong>and</strong> reciprocity<br />
exist that permit groups to temporarily use the pastures <strong>and</strong><br />
forests of others. Collective ownership of pasture <strong>and</strong> forestl<strong>and</strong>s is<br />
also more economical than individual tenure. The low <strong>and</strong> variable<br />
annual productivity of theee l<strong>and</strong>s makes the cost of maintaining<br />
fences <strong>and</strong> access roads to individual plots prohibitive. Under these<br />
conditions, if mobility is not impeded by private ownership of l<strong>and</strong>s,<br />
all users of collective l<strong>and</strong>s benefit &om higher levels of production.<br />
AJJ the discuaion above indicates, collective ownership of l<strong>and</strong><br />
facilitated both mobility <strong>and</strong> diversification. Therefore, a large proportion<br />
of range <strong>and</strong> forest l<strong>and</strong>s remains today under the control<br />
of localities or as part of the public domain in Europe, Japan, <strong>and</strong><br />
North America.<br />
To say that l<strong>and</strong>s are collectively awned does not imply completely<br />
open <strong>and</strong> unregulated access. That would lead to a "tragedy<br />
of the commons" situation such as that described by Hardin (1968),<br />
where individuals would each increase their herds or their use of the<br />
foreets until the productive capacity of the resource was destroyed.<br />
Such unregulated exploitation of the environment ignores the fact<br />
that members of subsistence groups depend upon each other for<br />
their survival <strong>and</strong> are not individuals single-mindedly pursuing personal<br />
gain at all costs (Runge, 1981). Also, it is illogical to suggest<br />
that any group would st<strong>and</strong> by <strong>and</strong> let their subsistence base be<br />
destroyed.<br />
The "tragedy" historically appears to occur where competition<br />
over l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> its resources increases, <strong>and</strong> where differential access