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TheImprovement ofTropical and Subtropical Rangelands

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POTENTIAL 0' FAIDHERBIA 'OR DBSERTIFIOATION OONTROL 361<br />

PROJECT ANALYSIS AND EVALUATION<br />

Most foreign auistance projects concerned with agricultural or<br />

pastoral development in Third World countries operate on usumptions,<br />

both technical <strong>and</strong> sociolosical. The technological transfer<br />

procel!l8 generally auumes that the technology U88d in the developed<br />

country will work equally well in the client country. Because of<br />

critical deficiencies in research <strong>and</strong> lack ofexpertise of Western technicians<br />

in the Sahelian situation, this &88WI1ption is often found to be<br />

faulty. A cl8l!l8ic example of misapplication of technology is the use<br />

of sophisticated machinery in a l<strong>and</strong> remote from spare parts, <strong>and</strong><br />

among people unaccustomed to engine maintenance. The advantage<br />

of the agro-sylvo-pastoral program in Chad is that the ctechnology"<br />

of Faitll&erha al6itla is natural to the Sahel, time-tested, <strong>and</strong> well<br />

studied by research scientists.<br />

Assumptions concerning the social implications of rural development<br />

programming in the Sahel are yet more complicated, as they<br />

deal with intangible <strong>and</strong> elusive cultural nuances. It hardly can be<br />

expected that a technical expert will fully underst<strong>and</strong> the cultural<br />

setting within which he is to operate. In fact, pretensions to underst<strong>and</strong><br />

often lead to the chronic problems of Western ideas being<br />

imposed on unwilling villagers. This is not to imply that project<br />

personnel should ignore the cultural contextj rather, they should be<br />

sensitive to the needs of the villagers <strong>and</strong> include local input into the<br />

planning as well as the implementation phases.<br />

The problems of change agents who are unfamiliar with client<br />

needs <strong>and</strong> perceptions, insensitive to different socioeconomic status<br />

<strong>and</strong> the particulars <strong>and</strong> complexions of different ethnic groups, who<br />

presume to know what is best for the client, <strong>and</strong> usume only temporary<br />

involvement in improvement projects, are examined in depth by<br />

Mbithi (1974) in a Kenyan context. These are universal il!l8ues in rural<br />

development, <strong>and</strong> the Faitllaerha al6itla project was no exception.<br />

In the latter case, an idea-an ecolosical concept with commercial<br />

agricultural value-was to be imposed on the villagers with the assumption<br />

that the local inhabitants understood or could be taught<br />

the principles of the program. This proved to be the weakest point of<br />

the project. Farmer underst<strong>and</strong>ing was critical to the succeu of the<br />

program but yet was bued on nothing more than Western hope <strong>and</strong><br />

expectations. For all practical purpoees, there was no effective local<br />

planning, <strong>and</strong> the project had to rely on free food incentives for motivation<br />

instead of on the villagers' adoption of program objectives.

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