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TheImprovement ofTropical and Subtropical Rangelands

TheImprovement ofTropical and Subtropical Rangelands

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DROMEDARY PASTORALISM IN AFRIOA AND ARABIA 267<br />

supply skins <strong>and</strong>, theoretically at least, wool. Knoess (1976), who<br />

suggests that Mar paatoralists be made to sell camel wool, notes<br />

that its UN is unknown in Ethiopia, <strong>and</strong> the same is true for the rest<br />

of the Horn of Mrica. Skins are used by pastoralista for houaehold<br />

utensils, whips, <strong>and</strong> s<strong>and</strong>als (which are sometimes exported).<br />

MAllUTING<br />

The only area in the world where camel pastoralism seems to be<br />

predominantly subsistence-oriented is northern Kenya. Even there,<br />

camel pastoralists rely to some extent on neighbors practicing hunting<br />

or alternate forms of pastoralism. Most other camel pastoralists<br />

depend on exchanging some form of goods or services with their<br />

neighbors to obtain supplementary foodstuff from them. In IUch ~<br />

cieties, camel milk continues to be an important food, but the diet<br />

is not exclusively built on it. Although it has a pleasant taste, it is<br />

not always acceptable to the consumer, <strong>and</strong> it has little or no market<br />

outside the community of current or former camel herders. (Dahl <strong>and</strong><br />

Hjort, 1979)<br />

It is difficult to ascertain the extent to which camel pastoralistl<br />

in Africa <strong>and</strong> Arabia have traditionally been oriented towards a<br />

meat market. Because of the long intervals between camel births,<br />

it is difficult to regard any camel production as primarily meant to<br />

supply meat for the market. Bulliet (1975) mentions brisk markets<br />

for camel meat in Libya <strong>and</strong> Morocco, <strong>and</strong> in the 196Oe, when Asad<br />

made his study of the Kababish of Sudan, the latter were engaged<br />

in the export of camels to the Egyptian beef market, despite serious<br />

legal restrictions, (Asad, 1970).<br />

In 1970, Ibrahim <strong>and</strong> Cole (1978) noted that hardly any camels<br />

were sold by the AI-Murrah Bedouin; the camel meat in urban<br />

markets came from aged animals. By 1978, however, a majority of<br />

the AI-Murrah the authors interviewed had been involved in such<br />

sales.<br />

In northern Kenya, prices rose considerably both for male <strong>and</strong><br />

female camels during the 19708, a fact that is usually explained by<br />

increased Saudi Arabian dem<strong>and</strong>. Swift (1979) also reports a recent<br />

increase in the Somali camel export, not the least of which goes to<br />

Saudi Arabia. However, it is not altogether clear that this is owing<br />

to an increased dem<strong>and</strong> for camel meat. Cole (1975) states that<br />

although camel meat is no longer as popular as it once was, there is<br />

now a great dem<strong>and</strong> for pure-bred milk <strong>and</strong> riding camels among the

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