TheImprovement ofTropical and Subtropical Rangelands
TheImprovement ofTropical and Subtropical Rangelands TheImprovement ofTropical and Subtropical Rangelands
262 IMPROVEMENT OF TROPIOAL AND SUBTROPIOAL RANGELANDS "species emphasis" among neighboring pastoral peoples in northern Kenya and suggests that different combinations of livestock could indeed provide a generative model for predicting forms of social organization. Our focus is on systems of production rather than on particular groups of people or their cultural traits, and we are concerned both with constraints that may be caused by ecology and an economic dependence on camel herds, and with restrictions on production caused by the social organization. REPRODUCTION AND RISI Camel keeping is fundamentally a high-risk undertaking (Sweet, 1965), due to the animals' very slow reproduction rate. Only when she is about six years old does the camel dam start to bear calves, and then normally only one calf every second year. In contrast, the cow first calves at about three or four years of age, and then every year thereafter. If a camel owner is struck by misfortune and left only with a minimal number of camels or none at all, rebuilding the herd is a very slow procell. Breeding animals are very expensive to buy, and owners are often reluctant to part with them. Lost camels, in many cases, are never replaced; the 1018 is as final as when a farmer or peasant becomes landless. A dramatic example is the fate of the Sakuye Borana in northern Kenya, who lost virtually all their camels during a war in the early 19701. Practically all the Sakuye were pushed out of their traditional livelihood, because they were unable to provide proper care for the remaining animals and were incapable of expanding their holdings fast enough to reenter viable pastoralism. They were forced to leave their area to seek other income and thereby lost effective control over their pastures, which were subsequently used by other camel herders. It is now almost impOl8ible for even rich Sakuye to purchase breeding animals in the market (Dahl and Hjort, 1979). The hazards of camel reproduction have also been used as an explanatory variable by authors (notably Sweet, 1965) who have sought to understand the institutionalization of raiding in Arabian camel-owning societies. By acquiring animals in a raid, the herd owner can preclude several unproductive years in the development of his herd. One partial solution to the risk is that many camel-owning societies in Mrica and Arabia have systems of property holding that redistribute the risks among herd owners. All the animals of
DROMEDARY PASTORALISM IN AFRIOA AND ARABIA 263 a particular patrilineal kinship group are in lOme sense regarded as common property and are marked with one single brand. Each individual herd owner, however, can dispose ofhis stock as he pleases, as long as he fulfills his duties to take part in lineage redistribution of stock to thoee stricken by misfortune. Such redistributions may be organised by a council consisting of all mature herd owners in the lineage, or by specially appointed elders or tribal chiefs (Dahl, 1979). Among the Sakuye, the lineage members were responsible for helping each other to retrieve lost stock and to make a collection of a nucleus herd for any member who had lost his camels through misfortunej this was on the condition, however, that he was not known to have spent capital (female breeding stock) carelealy (for example, by eelling it). (Due to the high risks UIOCiated with herd regeneration, the camel husbandman must show respect for capital expenditure: the cultural system often streaea this by various semi-ritual taboos against sales.) When a majority of the camels of the Sakuye people had been lost, such countermeasures as lineage redistribution were of course ineffective. Forma of lineage redistribution may be supplemented with systems of mutual loans of camelsj in practice, then, the herd that is managed by one household belongs to many owners. Such a system of chains of loans has been described by Spencer (1973) for the Sakuye's neighbors, the Rendille. ~AGEMENTANDLABOR It is not only the pattern ofherd reproduction that is significantly different for camels and cattle. Camels are able to move quickly and to reach distant pastures. Such movements are necessary to achieve a varied diet. In comparison with cattle, camels require frequent -salt cures" at licks or on pasture on salty lOils unless there is access to water with appropriate mineral content. Mobility is also needed to avoid hygienic problems and tick infestation. Camel calves are highly vulnerable to ticks, and as a countermeasure the pastoral camp should not remain more than 10 days at the same place. Cameloriented IOcieties differ in the degree that the main body ofhousehold members follows the camel herd in all its movesj but when they do, much energy is spent on the frequent erection and dismantling of tents. Camp moves are usually more frequent than among cattle herders. Neither mating nor birth can be left to the camels themselves:
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DROMEDARY PASTORALISM IN AFRIOA AND ARABIA 263<br />
a particular patrilineal kinship group are in lOme sense regarded<br />
as common property <strong>and</strong> are marked with one single br<strong>and</strong>. Each<br />
individual herd owner, however, can dispose ofhis stock as he pleases,<br />
as long as he fulfills his duties to take part in lineage redistribution<br />
of stock to thoee stricken by misfortune. Such redistributions may<br />
be organised by a council consisting of all mature herd owners in the<br />
lineage, or by specially appointed elders or tribal chiefs (Dahl, 1979).<br />
Among the Sakuye, the lineage members were responsible for helping<br />
each other to retrieve lost stock <strong>and</strong> to make a collection of a nucleus<br />
herd for any member who had lost his camels through misfortunej<br />
this was on the condition, however, that he was not known to have<br />
spent capital (female breeding stock) carelealy (for example, by<br />
eelling it). (Due to the high risks UIOCiated with herd regeneration,<br />
the camel husb<strong>and</strong>man must show respect for capital expenditure:<br />
the cultural system often streaea this by various semi-ritual taboos<br />
against sales.) When a majority of the camels of the Sakuye people<br />
had been lost, such countermeasures as lineage redistribution were<br />
of course ineffective.<br />
Forma of lineage redistribution may be supplemented with systems<br />
of mutual loans of camelsj in practice, then, the herd that is<br />
managed by one household belongs to many owners. Such a system<br />
of chains of loans has been described by Spencer (1973) for the<br />
Sakuye's neighbors, the Rendille.<br />
~AGEMENTANDLABOR<br />
It is not only the pattern ofherd reproduction that is significantly<br />
different for camels <strong>and</strong> cattle. Camels are able to move quickly <strong>and</strong><br />
to reach distant pastures. Such movements are necessary to achieve<br />
a varied diet. In comparison with cattle, camels require frequent<br />
-salt cures" at licks or on pasture on salty lOils unless there is<br />
access to water with appropriate mineral content. Mobility is also<br />
needed to avoid hygienic problems <strong>and</strong> tick infestation. Camel calves<br />
are highly vulnerable to ticks, <strong>and</strong> as a countermeasure the pastoral<br />
camp should not remain more than 10 days at the same place. Cameloriented<br />
IOcieties differ in the degree that the main body ofhousehold<br />
members follows the camel herd in all its movesj but when they do,<br />
much energy is spent on the frequent erection <strong>and</strong> dismantling of<br />
tents. Camp moves are usually more frequent than among cattle<br />
herders.<br />
Neither mating nor birth can be left to the camels themselves: