TheImprovement ofTropical and Subtropical Rangelands

TheImprovement ofTropical and Subtropical Rangelands TheImprovement ofTropical and Subtropical Rangelands

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OVERVIEW 3 associated with the extensive UIe of spar88, IIC&ttered, and often seasonal or ephemeral natural vegetation. Moat ofthe world's estimated 3 billion head ofdomesticated livestock are reared on tropical or subtropical rangelands, rather than on highly productive pastures or in feedlots. Most of the red meat consumed by humans is produced on rangelands. Some 135 million people, about 20 percent of the world's population, base their economies and societies on rangeland resources. The pastoralists' systems of livestock production characteristically require movement of herds and herders over large areas, on either a seasonal basis (transhumant pastoralism) or a basis of perpetual migration (nomadic pastoralism). Pastoral socioeconomic systems can be further distinguished by combinations of other activities with those of herding. Herding, along with some agricultural crop production is a frequent combination, creating what are known as agro-pastoral systems; herding and tree-crop production creates silvo-pastoralism. Important economic activities ofother pastoralists involve conducting, supporting, or controlling long-distance overland trade routes. Reduced vegetative cover is often the result of overstocking, uncontrolled or concentrated grazing, removing woody plants for fuel or shelter, and clearing natural vegetation. Destructive management practices are often related to colonial-period modifications of indigenous management systems: for example, highly regulated land-use systems, such as the "eMma system of Masina, were widely converted to open-aceese systems with the imposition of the European law of public domain; the ecological integrity of indigenous pastoral systems was frequently destroyed through the imposition of international boundaries; cattle-based livestock systems were promoted in marginal drylands at the expense of 8U8tainable indigenous systems based on better-adapted forms of livestock; wells projects encouraged concentrated gruing around water supplies; and the new economic order stimulated herd increase and its attendant economic rewards. Population growth in pastoral societies, approximately 1.5-2.0 percent annually (National Research Council, 1983b), is regulated by the observance of restrictive mores and other mechanisms. Hence, internally generated population growth is seldom a problem in pastoral zones. Indeed, declining population, with a corresponding inability to manage large herds, is often a serious problem. Further, the higher annual rates of growth in agricultural societies, characteristically on the order of 2.5-3.0 percent, encourages agricultural expansion into

OVERVIEW 3<br />

associated with the extensive UIe of spar88, IIC&ttered, <strong>and</strong> often seasonal<br />

or ephemeral natural vegetation. Moat ofthe world's estimated<br />

3 billion head ofdomesticated livestock are reared on tropical or subtropical<br />

rangel<strong>and</strong>s, rather than on highly productive pastures or in<br />

feedlots. Most of the red meat consumed by humans is produced<br />

on rangel<strong>and</strong>s. Some 135 million people, about 20 percent of the<br />

world's population, base their economies <strong>and</strong> societies on rangel<strong>and</strong><br />

resources.<br />

The pastoralists' systems of livestock production characteristically<br />

require movement of herds <strong>and</strong> herders over large areas, on<br />

either a seasonal basis (transhumant pastoralism) or a basis of perpetual<br />

migration (nomadic pastoralism). Pastoral socioeconomic systems<br />

can be further distinguished by combinations of other activities<br />

with those of herding. Herding, along with some agricultural<br />

crop production is a frequent combination, creating what are known<br />

as agro-pastoral systems; herding <strong>and</strong> tree-crop production creates<br />

silvo-pastoralism. Important economic activities ofother pastoralists<br />

involve conducting, supporting, or controlling long-distance overl<strong>and</strong><br />

trade routes.<br />

Reduced vegetative cover is often the result of overstocking, uncontrolled<br />

or concentrated grazing, removing woody plants for fuel<br />

or shelter, <strong>and</strong> clearing natural vegetation. Destructive management<br />

practices are often related to colonial-period modifications of indigenous<br />

management systems: for example, highly regulated l<strong>and</strong>-use<br />

systems, such as the "eMma system of Masina, were widely converted<br />

to open-aceese systems with the imposition of the European<br />

law of public domain; the ecological integrity of indigenous pastoral<br />

systems was frequently destroyed through the imposition of international<br />

boundaries; cattle-based livestock systems were promoted in<br />

marginal dryl<strong>and</strong>s at the expense of 8U8tainable indigenous systems<br />

based on better-adapted forms of livestock; wells projects encouraged<br />

concentrated gruing around water supplies; <strong>and</strong> the new economic<br />

order stimulated herd increase <strong>and</strong> its attendant economic rewards.<br />

Population growth in pastoral societies, approximately 1.5-2.0 percent<br />

annually (National Research Council, 1983b), is regulated by the<br />

observance of restrictive mores <strong>and</strong> other mechanisms. Hence, internally<br />

generated population growth is seldom a problem in pastoral<br />

zones. Indeed, declining population, with a corresponding inability<br />

to manage large herds, is often a serious problem. Further, the higher<br />

annual rates of growth in agricultural societies, characteristically on<br />

the order of 2.5-3.0 percent, encourages agricultural expansion into

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