The targeted killing of terrorists on foreign soil - Institute of Advanced ...
The targeted killing of terrorists on foreign soil - Institute of Advanced ...
The targeted killing of terrorists on foreign soil - Institute of Advanced ...
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Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
Terrorising Terrorists – <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> ‘<str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>’ <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong><br />
<strong>foreign</strong> <strong>soil</strong>: Legal and political aspects<br />
Paper prepared for the Workshop ‘“Hitting the Target?” How New Capabilities Are<br />
Shaping C<strong>on</strong>temporary Internati<strong>on</strong>al Interventi<strong>on</strong>’ – University <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Surrey, 12-13 July, 2012<br />
1 Introducti<strong>on</strong><br />
“We must make it clear that if Pakistan cannot or will not act, we will take out high-level<br />
terrorist targets like Bin Laden if we have them in our sights.”<br />
⎯ Barack Obama, July 2008 1<br />
On May 2 nd , 2011 at around 1.00 am, two American MH-60 Black Hawk helicopters,<br />
coming from a base in Jalalabad/Afghanistan, approached a compound in an affluent<br />
neighbourhood <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Abbottabad in Pakistan. On board were two dozen soldiers <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the United<br />
States Naval Special Warfare Development Group (DEVGRU) <strong>on</strong> the hunt for the head <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
Al-Qaeda, Osama Bin Laden. After landing in the courtyard, the troops raided the building,<br />
engaging in a firefight with Bin Laden’s bodyguards. After they made their way up the stairs,<br />
they reached Bin Laden’s room <strong>on</strong> the third floor where he was killed by two shots, <strong>on</strong>e in<br />
his left eye and <strong>on</strong>e in his chest. About 20 minutes after the start <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the operati<strong>on</strong>, the Special<br />
Forces team reported “Ger<strong>on</strong>imo EKIA” to President Obama, who had watched the raid with<br />
key members <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> his administrati<strong>on</strong> via live stream in the situati<strong>on</strong> room <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the White House<br />
(see e.g. Pitzke 2011; New York Times 2011a). <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> world’s most wanted terrorist,<br />
resp<strong>on</strong>sible for the murder <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> thousands <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> innocent men, women and children was dead,<br />
killed in what the White House (2011b) labelled a “<str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> operati<strong>on</strong>”. If this incident had<br />
happened in a war between two states and Osama Bin Laden had been a member <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a regular<br />
state force, there would have been hardly any questi<strong>on</strong>ing over the legality and legitimacy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
the an attack. However, the US pers<strong>on</strong>ally <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> and killed him outside <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a war z<strong>on</strong>e, in a<br />
country with which it was not at war. Moreover, as the White House admitted <strong>on</strong> May 3 rd ,<br />
Bin Laden “was not armed” when he was shot (White House 2011c) and as a specialoperati<strong>on</strong>s<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ficer later c<strong>on</strong>firmed: “<str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>re was never any questi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> detaining or capturing<br />
him – it wasn’t a split-sec<strong>on</strong>d decisi<strong>on</strong>. No <strong>on</strong>e wanted detainees” (Schmidle 2011, 7).<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Osama bin Laden was the most prominent example <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a series <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> attacks <strong>on</strong><br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> in the <strong>on</strong>going ‘War <strong>on</strong> Terror’, mostly known as ‘<str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>’ 2 . After Qaed<br />
Salim Sinan al-Harethi (a.k.a. “Abu Ali”), the top Al-Qaeda member in Yemen and<br />
suspected architect <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the USS Cole attack, was killed by a Predator Unmanned Aerial<br />
Vehicle (UAV, better known as “dr<strong>on</strong>e”) in an isolated regi<strong>on</strong> in the Yemeni countryside <strong>on</strong><br />
1 White House 2011a.<br />
2 Subsequently, I will disc<strong>on</strong>tinue the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> quotati<strong>on</strong> marks for <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>.<br />
- 1 -
Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
November 4th, 2002, the issue came into the centre <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> public attenti<strong>on</strong>. Furthermore, the<br />
United States are not the <strong>on</strong>ly country engaged in the <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> (suspected) <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g>, as<br />
Israel has pursued this policy since the incepti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Sec<strong>on</strong>d Intifada in September 2000<br />
(see David 2002, 1). <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> policy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> raises numerous legal and political<br />
c<strong>on</strong>cerns. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> emergence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> n<strong>on</strong>-state actors in recent years challenge these foundati<strong>on</strong>s, as<br />
there are no clear legal norms. In additi<strong>on</strong>, the <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> an individual without due process<br />
challenges the rule <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> law in general. I want to take a look at the practice <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
in counter-terrorism campaigns and assess their legality and legitimacy as well as their<br />
effectiveness.<br />
First, the legality <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> under internati<strong>on</strong>al law is assessed. Foremost, it is<br />
discussed whether <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s have to be c<strong>on</strong>sidered under a war paradigm or a lawenforcement<br />
paradigm. This is particularly important, because in wartime and under<br />
internati<strong>on</strong>al law, the peacetime legal c<strong>on</strong>straints <strong>on</strong> the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> deadly force against enemies<br />
are abrogated. To put it another way, under a law-enforcement paradigm a <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> by a<br />
government <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ficial would <strong>on</strong>ly be lawful if undertaken in self-defence or defence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> others,<br />
which is surely incompatible with the noti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> (see Banks/Raven-Hansen<br />
2003, 671). Hereafter, the jus ad bellum <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> is assessed. Terrorists and<br />
terrorist organisati<strong>on</strong>s such as Al-Qaeda are private, n<strong>on</strong>-state actors but they necessarily<br />
operate from a state’s territory 3 . Thus the fight against <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong> <strong>foreign</strong> <strong>soil</strong> always<br />
interferes with the sovereign rights <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> this territorial state. In this sense, the ban <strong>on</strong><br />
interventi<strong>on</strong> and the prohibiti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> force as set forth in Article 2 (4) <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Charter<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the United Nati<strong>on</strong>s (UN) is discussed and whether there is a possibility to justify interstate<br />
counter-terrorism and <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> as pre-emptive self-defence. However, the possible<br />
justificati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> self-defence <strong>on</strong> an interstate level does not determine whether this acti<strong>on</strong> is<br />
legal under Internati<strong>on</strong>al Humanitarian Law (IHL). As the Internati<strong>on</strong>al Court <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Justice<br />
(ICJ) stated in its advisory opini<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> nuclear weap<strong>on</strong>s: “A use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> force that is<br />
proporti<strong>on</strong>ate under the law <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> self-defence, must, in order to be lawful, also meet the<br />
requirements <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the law applicable in armed c<strong>on</strong>flict which comprise in particular the<br />
principles and rules <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> humanitarian law” (ICJ 1996, 245). As a first step <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> these jus in bello<br />
criteria <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>, it has thus to be determined whether <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
can be c<strong>on</strong>sidered as an armed c<strong>on</strong>flict and if it c<strong>on</strong>stitutes an internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict or<br />
a n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict. If this applicability <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> IHL is affirmed, the questi<strong>on</strong> arises<br />
which legal c<strong>on</strong>sequences this has for <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> or insurgents and which restricti<strong>on</strong>s<br />
apply for the lethal use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> force against those suspected individuals.<br />
3 If <strong>on</strong>e leaves out the less likely opti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> terrorism <strong>on</strong> the high sea or in space (see Cassese 2005a, 476 ff).<br />
- 2 -
Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
In a sec<strong>on</strong>d step, the legitimacy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> is analysed, i.e. whether this method <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
countering <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> can be c<strong>on</strong>sidered as a just and appropriate means. Even though<br />
legitimacy is an “extremely slippery c<strong>on</strong>cept” (Hurrell 2005, 17), it can be seen from two<br />
dimensi<strong>on</strong>s. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> first dimensi<strong>on</strong> is about process and procedure, or ‘input legitimacy’, as<br />
Fritz Scharpf (1999) labelled it. It means that an acti<strong>on</strong> or a rule is legitimate to the extent<br />
that it “has come into being and operates in accordance with generally accepted principles <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
right process” (Franck 1990, 19). <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> sec<strong>on</strong>d dimensi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> legitimacy is c<strong>on</strong>cerned about<br />
effectiveness, what Scharpf calls ‘output legitimacy’. Similarly to the delegati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> authority<br />
to internati<strong>on</strong>al organisati<strong>on</strong>s or regulatory networks, which are <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten c<strong>on</strong>sidered legitimate<br />
to the extent to which it provides effective soluti<strong>on</strong>s (see Hurrell 2005, 22), <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
has also to be judged by its effectiveness. In this part, I display some new and original<br />
descriptive data. In the end, all results will be summarised in the c<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong>.<br />
My central argument is that the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> is a tool <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> warfare that is highly<br />
questi<strong>on</strong>able in legal and political terms but can be legal and viable in counter-terrorism<br />
campaigns under very str<strong>on</strong>g restraints. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> fight against terrorism across state borders has to<br />
be seen under a war paradigm. Even though the criminal behaviour <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> may lead<br />
politicians to invoke the law-enforcement paradigm, it is not feasible when the scale <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
violence reaches a certain level that can <strong>on</strong>ly be dealt with military force or when <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
operate from states which are either unwilling or incapable <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> cooperating in lawenforcement<br />
(see Kretzmer 2005, 201). This means that the jus ad bellum criteria can be<br />
applied to <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s. From an internati<strong>on</strong>al legal standpoint, states can invoke the<br />
right to self-defence if the <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> individuals are actively engaged in the planning and<br />
executi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> terrorist attacks against that state. From the jus in bello perspective, IHL is<br />
applicable to the fight against terrorism. It is shown that within the narrow c<strong>on</strong>fines <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> IHL,<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> can be legal under certain restricti<strong>on</strong>s and circumstances.<br />
Terrorists can be c<strong>on</strong>sidered legitimate targets if they directly participate in hostilities.<br />
As menti<strong>on</strong>ed before, the questi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> legitimacy is certainly hard to assess. In terms <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
‘input’-legitimacy, str<strong>on</strong>g arguments for and against <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> exist. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>re are indeed<br />
some drawbacks to the policy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>, but the positive impacts <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
outweigh those negative aspects. Similarly, the ‘output-legitimacy’ <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> is also<br />
c<strong>on</strong>tradictory. Descriptive evidence gathered by the author shows that <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> may<br />
be effective, particularly in Palestine. However, other empirical studies suggest that <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> is not a significant independent variable. But those studies are flawed in the sense that<br />
they <strong>on</strong>ly look at the c<strong>on</strong>flict in Israel and <strong>on</strong>ly rely <strong>on</strong> a relatively little amount <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> data.<br />
Thus, more research is needed to prove this assumpti<strong>on</strong>.<br />
- 3 -
Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
2 What c<strong>on</strong>stitutes <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>?<br />
“We’re in a new kind <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> war. And we’ve made very clear that it is important that this new<br />
kind <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> war be fought <strong>on</strong> different battlefields.”<br />
⎯ C<strong>on</strong>doleezza Rice, November 2002 4<br />
This chapter serves as the c<strong>on</strong>ceptual background <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> this work. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> first secti<strong>on</strong> c<strong>on</strong>tains a<br />
definiti<strong>on</strong> and explanati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the c<strong>on</strong>cept <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> used in the subsequent parts <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
this thesis and how it differs from other deprivati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> life. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> sec<strong>on</strong>d secti<strong>on</strong> gives a short<br />
overview <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the historical background and examples <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>.<br />
2.1 Definiti<strong>on</strong>s<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> issue <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> is highly debated in the internati<strong>on</strong>al arena. It is c<strong>on</strong>demned by<br />
Amnesty Internati<strong>on</strong>al (e.g. 2002; 2005), some entities <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the UN (e.g. 2002, 2003), the UN<br />
Secretary General (2003) and many scholars (see e.g. Cassese 2005; Proulx 2005). Others,<br />
however, have defended such attacks as legal and legitimate (see e.g. Statman 2004; Byman<br />
2006). Often, other terms such as ‘assassinati<strong>on</strong>’ or ‘extra-judicial <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>’ are used<br />
syn<strong>on</strong>ymously with <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> by academics and politicians alike. But, these terms,<br />
value-laden with noti<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> illegitimacy and illegality, label acti<strong>on</strong>s significantly different<br />
from <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>.<br />
For the purpose <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> this paper, <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> is defined as “the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> lethal force<br />
attributable to a subject <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> internati<strong>on</strong>al law with the intent, premeditati<strong>on</strong> and deliberati<strong>on</strong> to<br />
kill individually selected pers<strong>on</strong>s who are not in the physical custody <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> those targeting<br />
them” (Melzer 2009, 5). Targeted <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> thus c<strong>on</strong>sist <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> five cumulative elements (see ibid.,<br />
3 f.). Firstly, <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> uses lethal force against human beings. Sec<strong>on</strong>dly, <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> includes the elements <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> intent, premeditati<strong>on</strong> and deliberati<strong>on</strong> to kill. Thirdly,<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> requires that it is directed against individually selected pers<strong>on</strong>s. Fourthly, at<br />
the time <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>, the <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> pers<strong>on</strong>s are not in the physical custody <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> their attackers.<br />
Lastly, <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s must be attributable to a subject <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> internati<strong>on</strong>al law to become<br />
relevant under it. As referent objects in internati<strong>on</strong>al relati<strong>on</strong>s, states are also the primary<br />
subjects <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> internati<strong>on</strong>al law, but in certain limited situati<strong>on</strong>s, n<strong>on</strong>-state actors can also<br />
become such subjects <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> internati<strong>on</strong>al law (see Brownlie 2003, 65; 529 ff.). Thus, the<br />
deprivati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> life related to n<strong>on</strong>-State actors may qualify as <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> to the extent<br />
that internati<strong>on</strong>al law c<strong>on</strong>trols or prohibits the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> lethal force by them.<br />
4 Witt 2002.<br />
- 4 -
Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
This definiti<strong>on</strong> can be seen as a comprehensive descripti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>. Other<br />
definiti<strong>on</strong>s may suit the c<strong>on</strong>text in which they are discussed but are not sufficiently precise<br />
for the purpose <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> this paper. For example, David’s (2002, 2) and Ruys’ (2005, 4) definiti<strong>on</strong>s<br />
do not differentiate between custodial executi<strong>on</strong>s (e.g. the death penalty) from extracustodial<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s. Downes (2004, 280) limits his definiti<strong>on</strong> to the targeting <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
“individual <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g>”, which is a very specific and insufficiently defined category <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
pers<strong>on</strong>s. C<strong>on</strong>cerning the scope, this analysis focuses <strong>on</strong> “state-sp<strong>on</strong>sored” <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s,<br />
i.e. <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s which are legally attributable to states.<br />
This definiti<strong>on</strong> does not, however, clear up the ambiguity between <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> and<br />
‘assassinati<strong>on</strong>’ or ‘extra-judicial <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>’. Similarly to <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>, assassinati<strong>on</strong> is not a<br />
legal term in internati<strong>on</strong>al law and “does not appear in the United Nati<strong>on</strong>s Charter, the<br />
Geneva C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>s, the Hague C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>s, internati<strong>on</strong>al case law or the Statute <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
Internati<strong>on</strong>al Criminal Court” (Söderblom 2004, 5). But there is general agreement, that<br />
assassinati<strong>on</strong> is something illegal (see Downes 2004, 279). In assessing assassinati<strong>on</strong>, it is<br />
important to c<strong>on</strong>template two definiti<strong>on</strong>s, <strong>on</strong>e for a peacetime applicati<strong>on</strong>, and the other for a<br />
wartime applicati<strong>on</strong>. Although all assassinati<strong>on</strong>s are illegal, it is still pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>itable to examine<br />
the specific criteria which differentiate peacetime and wartime assassinati<strong>on</strong> (see Mach<strong>on</strong><br />
2006, 12 f.). C<strong>on</strong>cerning peacetime, many scholars define assassinati<strong>on</strong> as a subset <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> murder<br />
where the target is chosen based <strong>on</strong> his identity, prominence and public positi<strong>on</strong>. Moreover,<br />
the <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> is motivated to achieve some political objective (see Canastaro 2003, 11). Thus,<br />
peacetime assassinati<strong>on</strong> requires three elements to be present: (1) a murder, (2) <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a specific<br />
individual, (3) for political purposes (see Harder 2002, 5). This definiti<strong>on</strong> allows several<br />
c<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong>s to be drawn. A lawful homicide cannot be an assassinati<strong>on</strong>. An unlawful<br />
homicide could be an assassinati<strong>on</strong>, but if there is no political purpose, it would not be<br />
classed an assassinati<strong>on</strong>. Lastly, a political <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> may be a murder, but if there is no specific<br />
targeting <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a certain pers<strong>on</strong> it would not be assassinati<strong>on</strong> (ibid., 5).<br />
During wartime, assassinati<strong>on</strong> has a different meaning (see Parks 2002, 3). Once a war starts,<br />
assassinati<strong>on</strong> cannot be c<strong>on</strong>sidered a political activity anymore. Even though war is <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten<br />
seen as the “c<strong>on</strong>tinuati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> political activity by other means” (Clausewitz 1968, 87) not<br />
every <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> in war is political. A strict applicati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the peacetime political requirement<br />
would make each wartime <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> an assassinati<strong>on</strong>, which is surely not reflected either by the<br />
laws <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> war or the comm<strong>on</strong> understanding <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the word (see Canastaro 2003, 12). According<br />
to Schmitt (1992, 632), assassinati<strong>on</strong> in a war c<strong>on</strong>sists <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> two elements: (1) the specific<br />
targeting <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> an individual and (2) the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> treacherous or perfidious means. Treacherous or<br />
- 5 -
Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
perfidious are “acts inviting c<strong>on</strong>fidence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> an adversary to lead them to believe that they are<br />
entitled to, or are obliged to accord, protecti<strong>on</strong> under the rules <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> internati<strong>on</strong>al law applicable<br />
in armed c<strong>on</strong>flict, with the intent to betray that c<strong>on</strong>fidence.” This can include acts such as<br />
feigning wounds, feigning civilian status or using emblems or signs <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> other states (ICRC<br />
1977). However, treachery and perfidy must not be c<strong>on</strong>fused with surprise and decepti<strong>on</strong>,<br />
which are legal under the law <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> war (see Mach<strong>on</strong> 2006, 13). For example, an air strike<br />
against an enemy general and his staff could not be c<strong>on</strong>sidered treacherous or perfidious and<br />
would be allowed by the law <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> war. Thus, “if the law <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> war is not violated, an assassinati<strong>on</strong><br />
has not occurred” (Harder 2002, 4) 5 . Likewise, ‘extra-judicial <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>’ is generally<br />
understood to be a term applicable to the domestic domain in which internati<strong>on</strong>al human<br />
rights law is operative as the lex specialis and which refer to “the deliberate <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
suspects in lieu <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> arrest, in circumstances in which they [do] not pose an immediate threat.”<br />
(Amnesty Int’l 2002). In this sense, extra-judicial <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s are primarily a violati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> human<br />
rights based <strong>on</strong> missing legitimacy and c<strong>on</strong>trol by the state and not so much related to the<br />
permissibility under internati<strong>on</strong>al law (see Schmitz-Elvenich 2007, 11).<br />
In sum, the noti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> does substantially differ from ‘assassinati<strong>on</strong>s’ or ‘extrajudicial<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s’. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> latter terms are too value-laden and do not accurately describe the<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> operati<strong>on</strong>s c<strong>on</strong>ducted against <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g>. Moreover, <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> does not solely<br />
refer to a certain area <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> internati<strong>on</strong>al law, but allows a legal assessment against the<br />
background <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the UN Charta, IHL and human rights law.<br />
2.2 Historical Background<br />
Only Israel has admitted to carrying out “preventive strikes” since the beginning <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
Sec<strong>on</strong>d Intifada in September 2000 and c<strong>on</strong>siders this procedure as a legitimate tool in the<br />
fight against terrorist threats (see Israeli Supreme Court 2006). But even before that, ever<br />
since its independence in 1948, Israel has used <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s. It has assassinated various<br />
enemies, including Egyptian intelligence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ficers in the 1950’s, German engineers<br />
developing missiles for Egypt in the 1960’s, <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Black September after the 1972<br />
Munich Olympics massacre, and leaders <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Palestinian and Lebanese organisati<strong>on</strong>s such as<br />
the Secretary General <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Hezbollah in 1992 (see Blum/Heymann 2010, 151).<br />
However, with the beginning <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Sec<strong>on</strong>d Intifada the quantity and quality <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s changed. Never have so many militants been killed in such a short time span. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
5 C<strong>on</strong>versely, however, not all <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s that violate the law <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> war are necessarily assassinati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />
- 6 -
Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
Israeli Supreme Court estimates that from 2000 to 2006, over 300 <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> or members <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
terrorist organisati<strong>on</strong>s have been killed by <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> operati<strong>on</strong>s. About 150 civilians nearby<br />
have also been killed and several hundreds were wounded (see Israeli Supreme Court 2006,<br />
para. 2). Because <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the extent <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the operati<strong>on</strong>s and the obvious involvement <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Israeli<br />
Defense Forces (IDF), the Israeli government has been forced to acknowledge its role in<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s (see David 2002, 5). Several high-ranking members <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Fatah and Hamas<br />
have been killed during the Sec<strong>on</strong>d Intifada (see Amnesty Int’l 2001). <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> first victim was<br />
Hussein ‘Abayat who was killed in his car <strong>on</strong> November 9 th , 2000 by three missiles fired<br />
from an IDF helicopter. With him, two women waiting for a taxi nearby were killed. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, the founder and spiritual leader <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Hamas, <strong>on</strong> March 22 nd ,<br />
2004 and <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Abdel Aziz Rantinisi <strong>on</strong> April 18 th , 2004 got worldwide attenti<strong>on</strong>. In July 2005,<br />
Israel c<strong>on</strong>tinued its policy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> after it had stopped for several m<strong>on</strong>ths. On July<br />
15 th six Hamas activists were killed in the West bank by a missile attack <strong>on</strong> their car (see<br />
Schmitz-Elvenich 2007, 13 f.). Until today, Israel adheres to its policy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>.<br />
Besides Israel, the United States are the <strong>on</strong>ly country currently engaged in <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
operati<strong>on</strong>s. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> US Senate Select Committee under Senator Frank Church (Church<br />
Committee) reported in 1975 that it had found evidence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> eight plots involving CIA efforts<br />
to assassinate, inter alia, Fidel Castro, President Ngo Dinh Diem <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> South Vietnam and<br />
General Rene Schneider <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Chile (see Church Committee 1975). During the Vietnam War,<br />
the Phoenix programme rested <strong>on</strong> the assassinati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Viet C<strong>on</strong>g leaders and collaborators.<br />
After the 1998 embassy bombings, President Bill Clint<strong>on</strong> issued a presidential finding which<br />
authorised an attack against Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan. Shortly afterwards, seventy-five cruise<br />
missiles were launched at a training camp in Afghanistan where Bin Laden was expected to<br />
attend a meeting, but failed to kill him (see Blum/Heymann 2010, 149 f.). <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> Predator<br />
attack <strong>on</strong> al-Harethi in Yemen <strong>on</strong> November 4 th , 2002 was the first publicly noticed <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
American attack <strong>on</strong> a terrorist. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> attack was carried out by the CIA (see Kretzmer 2005,<br />
204) 6 . Other examples <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> American <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> operati<strong>on</strong>s include the air strikes <strong>on</strong> a<br />
Pakistani village <strong>on</strong> January 14 th , 2006 with the aim <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> Bin Laden’s deputy Aiman al-<br />
Sawahiri, or <strong>on</strong> a village in southern Somalia <strong>on</strong> January 7 th , 2007. It is unclear whether<br />
those attacks actually killed <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> (al-Sawahiri survived), but several civilians were killed<br />
or wounded (see Schmitz-Elvenich 2007, 14 f.). <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> total numbers <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> killed by the<br />
US is unclear, but the New America Foundati<strong>on</strong> (2011) estimates that in Pakistan al<strong>on</strong>e,<br />
between 1,335 and 2,090 have been killed by dr<strong>on</strong>e strikes since 2004.<br />
6 In this c<strong>on</strong>text it shall be noted that I will not address the questi<strong>on</strong> whether the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the n<strong>on</strong>-combatant CIA<br />
to carry out combatant activities is lawful.<br />
- 7 -
Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
3 Legality <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
“Self-imposed restricti<strong>on</strong>s, almost imperceptible and hardly worth menti<strong>on</strong>ing, termed usages<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Internati<strong>on</strong>al Law, accompany [war] without essentially impairing its power.”<br />
⎯ Carl v<strong>on</strong> Clausewitz, On War 7<br />
This chapter analyses the legality <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s under internati<strong>on</strong>al law. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> first<br />
secti<strong>on</strong> discusses whether it falls under a war or a law-enforcement paradigm and whether<br />
internati<strong>on</strong>al law is applicable. Sec<strong>on</strong>dly, the jus ad bellum <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong> an interstate<br />
level is scrutinised. Lastly the jus in bello requirements <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> IHL are assessed in detail.<br />
3.1 War paradigm or law-enforcement paradigm?<br />
Even though Israel’s acti<strong>on</strong>s against individual <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> and terrorist organisati<strong>on</strong>s in the<br />
Palestinian territories have to be seen with reservati<strong>on</strong>s, due to the unclear legal status <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
these territories (see e.g. ICJ 2004; Benvenisti 1996, 47), they illustrate <strong>on</strong>e central<br />
disagreement about the legality <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>: the legal basis by which this legality has<br />
to be judged. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> states involved maintain that they are a legitimate tool in the ‘war <strong>on</strong><br />
terror’, whose legality must be assessed in terms <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the laws <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> war; those who see them<br />
critically as ‘extra-judicial’ refer to a domestic law-enforcement model, which rests mainly,<br />
though not exclusively, <strong>on</strong> internati<strong>on</strong>al human rights law (see Kretzmer 2005, 174) 8 .<br />
Human rights activists and n<strong>on</strong>-governmental organisati<strong>on</strong>s (NGOs) generally deny that laws<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> armed c<strong>on</strong>flict have to be applied to terrorism, because they are afraid that the real threat<br />
is an over-reacti<strong>on</strong> (see e.g. UN 2004; Int’l Commissi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Jurists 2004). <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>y either assume<br />
that the existing legal c<strong>on</strong>straints <strong>on</strong> anti-terror measures do not prevent effective counterterrorism,<br />
or if they do, the dangers to human rights resulting from relaxing these c<strong>on</strong>straints<br />
are far greater than threats from terrorism itself. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>ir categorisati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s as<br />
‘extra-judicial’ implies that the legality <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> such strikes has to be judged by a lawenforcement<br />
model which rests <strong>on</strong> human rights law (see Kretzmer 2005, 175 f.). Here, the<br />
intenti<strong>on</strong>al use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> deadly force by state agencies can be justified <strong>on</strong>ly in very limited<br />
c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s, primarily self-defence or defence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> others. As the Fifth Amendment <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the US<br />
C<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> (1789) holds that “no pers<strong>on</strong> shall be […] deprived <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> life […] without due<br />
process <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> law”. Capital punishment is not illegal because it is imposed under the full judicial<br />
process (see Banks/Raven-Hansen 2003, 674), but any premeditated use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> deadly force by<br />
state authorities which is not justified is ‘extra-judicial’ (see Kretzmer 2005, 176).<br />
7 Clausewitz 1968, 2.<br />
8 This dispute is part <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a wider c<strong>on</strong>troversy over the appropriate categorisati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> state measures to fight<br />
internati<strong>on</strong>al terrorism (see e.g. Slaughter/Burke-White 2002; Fitzpatrick 2003).<br />
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Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> involved states obviously have no interest in mandating <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> operati<strong>on</strong>s under<br />
a law-enforcement model, as there is <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten an “unusual, and at times insurmountable obstacle<br />
to indicting them” (Meisels 2004, 304). <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> ability to build a str<strong>on</strong>g case against a suspected<br />
terrorist, proving him guilty bey<strong>on</strong>d a reas<strong>on</strong>able doubt is inherently difficult. Verifying a<br />
suspect’s identity, his c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> to a particular terrorist organisati<strong>on</strong>, and the direct<br />
resp<strong>on</strong>sibility for terrorist attacks in compliance with the strict legal requirements <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
criminal justice system remain unsure (ibid., 304). Suspects in custody are an additi<strong>on</strong>al<br />
problem for the states. Juries and witnesses may be intimidated by the <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g>, making the<br />
trial even more problematic (see Finn 1991, 99). <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> detenti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> may also lead to<br />
further attacks or hostage-takings to enforce their release (see Mach<strong>on</strong> 2006, 40).<br />
Furthermore, the military <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten resists the law-enforcement model because the attempt to<br />
arrest <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> can be very costly in terms <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> casualties. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> American raid to apprehend<br />
Somali warlord Mohammed Farrah Aidid in Mogadishu, <strong>on</strong> October 3 rd , 1993 illustrates<br />
some <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the potential dangers <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> this model. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>refore, states opine that <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s<br />
have to be seen under a war paradigm, where internati<strong>on</strong>al humanitarian law gives more<br />
leeway than human rights law under the law-enforcement paradigm. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> central argument is<br />
that terrorist organisati<strong>on</strong>s have military abilities and means which can <strong>on</strong>ly be countered<br />
with state military measures.<br />
Indeed, the acti<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> individual <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> and terrorist organisati<strong>on</strong>s and the violence they<br />
inflict, go far bey<strong>on</strong>d that <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> ordinary criminals. Nearly 3,000 Americans died in the terrorist<br />
attacks <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> September 11 th (see Glazier 2008). Israel has lost over 900 citizens in the first five<br />
years <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Sec<strong>on</strong>d Intifada (see Israeli Supreme Court 2006, para. 16). In their attacks, “the<br />
terrorist organisati<strong>on</strong>s use military means par excellence, whereas the comm<strong>on</strong> denominator<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> them all is their lethalness and cruelty. Am<strong>on</strong>g those means are shooting attacks, suicide<br />
bombings, mortar fire, rocket fire, car bombs, et cetera” (ibid., para. 16). Law-enforcement<br />
authorities cannot deal with those kinds <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> threats anymore. Moreover, they can <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten not<br />
operate in <strong>foreign</strong> countries, particularly if it is a failed state. Instead, military means have to<br />
be employed, inter alia to kill <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> via <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>. In sum, the war model is the<br />
prime basis for the legality assessment and not the law-enforcement model. Although the<br />
latter <strong>on</strong>e implies human rights law, it is too domestic in nature to apply to the fight against<br />
internati<strong>on</strong>al terrorism and does not allow appropriate means.<br />
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Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
3.2 Jus ad bellum<br />
3.2.1 Use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> force<br />
In modern times, the (legal) use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> force by states is c<strong>on</strong>sidered as an act <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> self-defence<br />
against <strong>foreign</strong> invaders who challenge the territorial integrity or the political independence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
a state. This doctrine <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> self-defence is c<strong>on</strong>sidered as <strong>on</strong>e <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the “fundamental principles <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
internati<strong>on</strong>al law” (Schwarzenberger 1955, cited after Kegley/Raym<strong>on</strong>d 2003, 387). But<br />
historically, the noti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> self-defence had little legal value as states used warfare as a lawful<br />
way to settle disputes (see Mach<strong>on</strong> 2006, 8). It was c<strong>on</strong>sidered the paramount element <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> state<br />
sovereignty to resort to unlimited war (see Gazzini 2005, 130). This attitude changed during<br />
the 20 th century after the experience <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> two World Wars. On the <strong>on</strong>e hand, the General Treaty<br />
for the Renunciati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> War (Kellogg-Briand Pact) <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1928 c<strong>on</strong>demned the recourse to war as<br />
the soluti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> internati<strong>on</strong>al c<strong>on</strong>flicts. On the other hand, the Nuremberg principles, which<br />
resulted from the 1945 Internati<strong>on</strong>al Military Tribunal against the Nazis, were accepted by the<br />
United Nati<strong>on</strong>s General Assembly as existing internati<strong>on</strong>al law and c<strong>on</strong>tained, am<strong>on</strong>gst others,<br />
the prohibiti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a war <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> aggressi<strong>on</strong> (see Schachter 1986, 113 ff.).<br />
Since its promulgati<strong>on</strong> in 1945, the UN Charter has become the dominant internati<strong>on</strong>al<br />
instituti<strong>on</strong> for the regulati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> armed c<strong>on</strong>flict and the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> force (see Mach<strong>on</strong> 2006, 43). A<br />
“cornerst<strong>on</strong>e” is the prohibiti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> force in Article 2 (4) (see ICJ 2005, para. 148). It<br />
states that “all members shall refrain in their internati<strong>on</strong>al relati<strong>on</strong>s from the threat or use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
force against the territorial integrity or political independence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> any State, or in any other<br />
manner inc<strong>on</strong>sistent with the purposes <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the United Nati<strong>on</strong>s” (United Nati<strong>on</strong>s 1945). It is seen<br />
a peremptory norm (ius cogens) and although states have <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten violated it, their reference to<br />
excepti<strong>on</strong>s to this prohibiti<strong>on</strong> to justify their use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> force shows their legal c<strong>on</strong>victi<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the<br />
existence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the norm (see Gazzini 2005, 124 f.).<br />
However, since the establishment <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the United Nati<strong>on</strong>s the scope and c<strong>on</strong>tent <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
prohibiti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> force have led to c<strong>on</strong>troversies. ‘Force’ within the meaning <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Article<br />
2 (4) does not comprise any form <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> coercive power but in the prevailing view <strong>on</strong>ly armed<br />
power (see Dinstein 2005, 86). Political or ec<strong>on</strong>omic pressures, for example an oil embargo<br />
does not c<strong>on</strong>stitute an element <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>fence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Article 2 (4), and neither does simple physical<br />
force such as the damming up <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a river. Moreover, this armed power has to be used in the<br />
“internati<strong>on</strong>al relati<strong>on</strong>s” <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the states, which means that <strong>on</strong>ly cross-border use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> force would<br />
be seen as an <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>fence to Article 2 (4) (see Randelzh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>er 2002, para. 29). Although the scope <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
‘force’ has to be seen as restricted to armed power, the prohibiti<strong>on</strong> has to be c<strong>on</strong>strued<br />
extensively. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> military force <strong>on</strong> <strong>foreign</strong> territory or against a <strong>foreign</strong> state always<br />
- 10 -
Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
holds the danger that the situati<strong>on</strong> gets out <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> hand, no matter how large it is. Thus, Article 2<br />
(4) not <strong>on</strong>ly covers large-scale military operati<strong>on</strong>s but also small scale force with military<br />
means (see Schmitz-Elvenich 2007, 39). Applied to the <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g>, such<br />
acti<strong>on</strong>s would therefore generally qualify as a breach <strong>on</strong> the prohibiti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> force<br />
according to Article 2 (4) <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the UN Charter (see Beres 1991, 325).<br />
Albeit, this breach does not occur if there is expressive c<strong>on</strong>sent by the state whose territorial<br />
integrity is violated (see e.g. Nolte 1999). Every day, states c<strong>on</strong>sent to acti<strong>on</strong>s by other states<br />
which would be a violati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> internati<strong>on</strong>al obligati<strong>on</strong>s without such c<strong>on</strong>sent. Examples for<br />
such c<strong>on</strong>sent are overflight rights for the airspace or passage rights for the territorial waters <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
a state, but also the authorisati<strong>on</strong> to c<strong>on</strong>duct a public investigati<strong>on</strong> in a <strong>foreign</strong> state (see ILC<br />
2002, 72). <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> rising frequency <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> terrorist attacks increases the probability that states give<br />
their c<strong>on</strong>sent to counter-terrorism measures by a <strong>foreign</strong> state <strong>on</strong> their <strong>soil</strong>. However, the<br />
c<strong>on</strong>sent by the state can indeed be reluctant, based <strong>on</strong> the insight that the intervening state<br />
would act anyway, even without c<strong>on</strong>sent (see Schmitz-Elvenich 2007, 34). But from a legal<br />
standpoint, <strong>on</strong>ce the permissi<strong>on</strong> is given, the <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> is not illegal from an<br />
interstate perspective. If there is no such permissi<strong>on</strong>, a justificati<strong>on</strong> would be needed.<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> framework <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the UN Charter provides two excepti<strong>on</strong>s to the general prohibiti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> force under Article 2 (4). Firstly, under Chapter VII <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the UN Charter, the Security<br />
Council may authorise any measure necessary to “maintain or restore internati<strong>on</strong>al peace and<br />
security” (UN 1945). This possibility is not explored further here, because it is irrelevant for<br />
the issue <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> 9 . Sec<strong>on</strong>dly, Article 51 <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Charter stipulates that “Nothing in the<br />
present Charter shall impair the inherent right <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> individual or collective self-defence if an<br />
armed attack occurs against a Member <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the United Nati<strong>on</strong>s, until the Security Council has<br />
taken the measures necessary to maintain internati<strong>on</strong>al peace and security” (ibid.). In this<br />
sense, Article 51 <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Charter is a justificati<strong>on</strong> which does not cure the violati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Article 2<br />
(4) but removes its illegality (see Schmitz-Elvenich 2007, 50). It is important to note, that<br />
Article 51 allows self-defence not <strong>on</strong>ly against other states but also against n<strong>on</strong>-state actors.<br />
When a state is attacked by <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> operating from another state’s territory, any self-defence<br />
resp<strong>on</strong>se would obviously violate that state’s territorial integrity and Article 2 (4). A direct<br />
justificati<strong>on</strong> over Article 51 is not possible, as the harbouring state is not the initiator if the<br />
attack. However, the attacked state cannot be left defenceless if <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> operate from other<br />
territories (see Dinstein 2005, 245). Thus, the flexible interpretati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Art. 51 allows a specific<br />
right <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> self-defence against <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong> <strong>foreign</strong> territory, if the harbouring state is not willing<br />
9 No state has ever asked for Security Council permissi<strong>on</strong> to c<strong>on</strong>duct a <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> in a <strong>foreign</strong> country.<br />
- 11 -
Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
or able to take the measures itself and if the operati<strong>on</strong> is solely c<strong>on</strong>fined to effective counterterrorism<br />
operati<strong>on</strong>s and against terrorist facilities (see Schmitz-Elvenich 2007, 121).<br />
In the literature, there are different interpretati<strong>on</strong>s about the meaning <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> “an attack occurs”.<br />
Some academics take a narrow view and state that Article 51 is superseding customary<br />
internati<strong>on</strong>al law and therefore limits forcible self-defence to cases where the UN Security<br />
Council has not already made a resp<strong>on</strong>se. Thus, the right to self-defence can <strong>on</strong>ly be invoked<br />
after the attack has already started (see Krajewski 2005, 7). Moreover, it is <strong>on</strong>ly a temporary<br />
right until the Security Council has taken acti<strong>on</strong> (see Gray 2008, 124 f.). It is comm<strong>on</strong> ground<br />
that states are allowed to self-defence against attacks which are already taking place. But, other<br />
scholars take a wider view <strong>on</strong> this issue by emphasising the c<strong>on</strong>cept <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> “inherent right” in<br />
Article 51. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>y state that pre-charter, customary rules <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> self-defence remain in place as the<br />
Charter does not take away those rights without express provisi<strong>on</strong>, and they menti<strong>on</strong> that at the<br />
time <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the promulgati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Charter there was a wider customary right <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> self-defence,<br />
including the protecti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> citizens and anticipatory self-defence (ibid., 117 f.). This view was<br />
basically corroborated by the ICJ in the Nicaragua case, as it acknowledged that a customary<br />
right <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> self-defence exists al<strong>on</strong>gside with Article 51 (see Dinstein 2005, 181 f.). However, the<br />
ICJ neither stated whether the customary right was wider than the Charter nor if self-defence<br />
against imminent threats is legal, as the parties did not raise that issue (see Krajewski 2005, 8).<br />
For a wide interpretati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> anticipatory self-defence, advocators <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten refer to the Caroline<br />
incident. In 1837, British troops destroyed the American steamboat Caroline <strong>on</strong> the Niagara<br />
River in US territory, because it was used to transport soldiers and ammuniti<strong>on</strong> into British<br />
Canada to support an emerging Canadian rebelli<strong>on</strong> against Britain. After the US Government<br />
protested, the British claimed their right <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> self-defence for the attack (ibid., 9 f.). Hereup<strong>on</strong>,<br />
the US Secretary <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> State, Daniel Webster, made clear that the exercise <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> self-defence as an<br />
inherent and aut<strong>on</strong>omous right requires the dem<strong>on</strong>strati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the “necessity <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> self-defence,<br />
instant, overwhelming, leaving no choice <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> means and no moment for deliberati<strong>on</strong>” (Webster<br />
1842). This definiti<strong>on</strong> was accepted by the British government and later became a standard <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
customary internati<strong>on</strong>al law. However, it is highly debatable, whether standards developed in<br />
the 19 th century, with a completely different noti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> war as a political tool, can still be seen<br />
as adequate criteria for the exercise <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> self-defence in the 21 st century (see Krajewski 2005, 10;<br />
Brownlie 2003, 701 f.). But internati<strong>on</strong>al practice is clear: States do claim a right to use force<br />
in an anticipatory way when the Websterian c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s are met (Kegley/Raym<strong>on</strong>d 2003, 387).<br />
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Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
3.2.2 Self-defence against <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g>?<br />
Against this background, the questi<strong>on</strong> arises whether self-defence can be applied to terrorist<br />
targets? <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> customary principles <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> immediacy, necessity and proporti<strong>on</strong>ality as reflected in<br />
the Webster doctrine have to be analysed in this c<strong>on</strong>text. Firstly, the restricti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> immediacy is<br />
c<strong>on</strong>cerned with temporal limits to self-defence. If the attack is already taking place, it is clear<br />
that resp<strong>on</strong>ses must not be limited to “<strong>on</strong>-the-spot-reacti<strong>on</strong>[s]” (Dinstein 2005, 220). A selfdefence<br />
measure satisfies the immediacy criteri<strong>on</strong> if there is no undue time lag between the<br />
attack and the self-defence measures (ibid., 210). For example, the time frame between the<br />
terrorist attacks <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> September 11 th , 2001 and the begin <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> operati<strong>on</strong> “Enduring Freedom” in<br />
Afghanistan <strong>on</strong> October 7 th , 2001 is generally seen as proporti<strong>on</strong>ate and c<strong>on</strong>sistent with the<br />
right to self-defence (see Schmitz-Elvenich 2007, 130). This also applies to terrorist acti<strong>on</strong>s, if<br />
they appear as a series <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> attacks. If there is a c<strong>on</strong>sistent pattern to them, they can be seen as an<br />
accumulati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> events which counts as <strong>on</strong>e armed attack (see Cassese 1989, 596). A different<br />
situati<strong>on</strong> occurs, if an armed attack is anticipated and self-defence measures are taken before<br />
the actual attack takes place. In terms <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>, this would mean that such an<br />
operati<strong>on</strong> could already be c<strong>on</strong>ducted before <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> have made an attack. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>re are two<br />
different categories <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> force in such anticipatory self-defence: pre-emptive and<br />
preventive. Pre-emptive use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> force means that a state reacts to an imminent threat. A state<br />
that pre-empts basically has the choice between hitting first or getting the first blow. In<br />
essence, pre-empti<strong>on</strong> mandates certainty about an armed attack in the very near future (Gray<br />
2007, p. 13). When “danger [is] immediate, and, as it were, at the point <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> happening” (Grotius<br />
1949, cited after Kegley/Raym<strong>on</strong>d 2003, 389), pre-emptive acti<strong>on</strong> is allowed and legitimate.<br />
This is also the view <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the UN Secretary General (UN 2005, para. 124). Hence, there seems to<br />
be an opinio juris communis that such a right exists (see Krajewski 2005, 12). In c<strong>on</strong>trast, a<br />
preventive use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> force entails the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> military force to remove a potential future threat<br />
which might appear <strong>on</strong> the horiz<strong>on</strong> but is not yet imminent (see e.g. Gray 2007, 11;<br />
Kegley/Raym<strong>on</strong>d 2003, 388). <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> state <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten even has the choice to tolerate such a possible<br />
incident (Gray 2007, 13). It is widely acknowledged by scholars that preventive military acti<strong>on</strong><br />
is certainly unlawful and inadmissible as it would result in a “bottomless legal pit”<br />
(Kaplan/Katzenbach 1961, 213).<br />
Sec<strong>on</strong>dly, the principle <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> necessity requires that the state <strong>on</strong>ly resp<strong>on</strong>ds to an armed attack<br />
with the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> force when other defensive measures are not available or not sufficient enough<br />
(see Dinstein 2005, 210). C<strong>on</strong>cerning the <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g>, this would raise the<br />
questi<strong>on</strong> if policing or other less forceful measures are possibly effectual to eliminate the<br />
terrorist threat (see Schmitt 2002, 28). However, as dem<strong>on</strong>strated above, this opti<strong>on</strong> is not<br />
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Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
feasible, because <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten operate militarily and the harbouring states are mostly unable<br />
or incapable <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> cooperating in law-enforcement. Albeit, the intervening state has the burden <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
pro<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> to show that s<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ter means were not available to fight the <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> (see Schmitz-Elvenich<br />
2007, 157).<br />
Thirdly, within the scope <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> proporti<strong>on</strong>ality, the permissibility <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> force is analysed in<br />
terms <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> extent and intensity. On the <strong>on</strong>e hand, the self-defence measure has to be necessary to<br />
remove the armed attack, but <strong>on</strong> the other hand it has to be in appropriate relati<strong>on</strong> to the current<br />
or future threat (ibid., 158). In its acti<strong>on</strong>s, the defending state must not use more force than<br />
necessary to reach the goal <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the measure, i.e. the removal <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the terrorist threat (see Schachter<br />
1989, 222 f.). As the measure does not <strong>on</strong>ly serve the defence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a c<strong>on</strong>crete terrorist attack but<br />
also to obviate future attacks, it is allowed to not <strong>on</strong>ly attack the particular terror cell<br />
resp<strong>on</strong>sible, but also the superior terrorist network to prevent further attacks (see Schmitt 2002,<br />
7). With a series <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> terrorist attacks, the proporti<strong>on</strong>ality <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a countermeasure might be doubted,<br />
as it could exceed the dimensi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> each attack. However, if there is a c<strong>on</strong>sistent pattern to the<br />
attacks and they are seen as an accumulati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> events, a single self-defence measure is still<br />
proporti<strong>on</strong>ate, even if it is bigger than each single attack (see Schmitz-Elvenich 2007, 160).<br />
In summary for the jus ad bellum <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g>, it remains to be emphasised<br />
that they can be seen as legal under the right <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> self-defence according to Article 51 <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
UN Charter. If <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> can perform an armed attack against a state, it must be allowed for<br />
that state to use its right <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> self-defence against those <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g>, even if it violates the<br />
territorial integrity <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> another state. In any case, however, every potential <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> has<br />
to be assessed separately in terms <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the jus ad bellum and such self-defence measures are<br />
limited by the customary principles <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> immediacy, necessity and proporti<strong>on</strong>ality. A selfdefence<br />
measure that infringes these principles has to be seen as an illegal violati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
prohibiti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> force under Article 2 (4) <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Charter. Moreover, the self-defence<br />
measures have to be directed strictly against terrorist facilities 10 .<br />
3.3 Jus in bello<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> jus ad bellum criteri<strong>on</strong> c<strong>on</strong>stitutes <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>on</strong>e element <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the assessment <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the legality <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>, namely the legality <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> such operati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> an interstate level. Still, <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> has also to be analysed <strong>on</strong> an individual level, i.e. state vs. pers<strong>on</strong>. That is to say, the<br />
permissibility <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> state acti<strong>on</strong> as self-defence <strong>on</strong> an interstate level does not indicate whether<br />
10 However, if the harbouring state is actively supporting terrorist organisati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> its territory, granting them a<br />
safe haven, c<strong>on</strong>nected state facilities can also legally be attacked (see Schmitz-Elvenich 2007, 95 ff.).<br />
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Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
such acti<strong>on</strong> complies with the principles <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> internati<strong>on</strong>al humanitarian law. On principle, the<br />
applicability <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> IHL has to be seen separate from the questi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> jus ad bellum (see Dinstein<br />
2005, 156 ff.). For IHL to apply, the existence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> an armed c<strong>on</strong>flict is an indispensable<br />
prerequisite. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>refore, it has first to be determined whether the internati<strong>on</strong>al fight against<br />
terrorism, including <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>, c<strong>on</strong>stitutes an armed c<strong>on</strong>flict.<br />
Although internati<strong>on</strong>al law does not provide a clear or uniform definiti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> ‘armed c<strong>on</strong>flict’,<br />
a quite precise understanding <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> it can be derived from the scope <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> applicability <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
internati<strong>on</strong>al treaties, which have been c<strong>on</strong>cluded for situati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> armed c<strong>on</strong>flict (see Melzer<br />
2009, 245). In its Tadic Case (1995, para. 70) the Appeals Chamber <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Internati<strong>on</strong>al<br />
Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) ruled that “an armed c<strong>on</strong>flict exists<br />
whenever there is a resort to armed force between States or protracted armed violence<br />
between governmental authorities and organised armed groups or between such groups<br />
within a state. Internati<strong>on</strong>al humanitarian law applies from the initiati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> such armed<br />
c<strong>on</strong>flicts and extends bey<strong>on</strong>d the cessati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> hostilities until a general c<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> peace is<br />
reached; or, in the case <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> internal c<strong>on</strong>flicts, a peaceful settlement is achieved.” As<br />
menti<strong>on</strong>ed before, modern <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g>, who are organised in globally operating terrorist<br />
organisati<strong>on</strong>s, <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten employ military means to reach their goals. If severe combat activity<br />
arises in the fight against those <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> it cannot be called a police activity any l<strong>on</strong>ger but<br />
must be c<strong>on</strong>sidered an armed c<strong>on</strong>flict (see Israeli Supreme Court 2002, para. 1). However,<br />
this does not clarify the applicability <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> IHL as there are different types <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> armed c<strong>on</strong>flicts<br />
and different regulati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />
Internati<strong>on</strong>al humanitarian law distinguishes between internati<strong>on</strong>al and n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al<br />
armed c<strong>on</strong>flicts (see Schmitz-Elvenich 2007, 168). Internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict is regulated<br />
by the Geneva C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>s (GC) <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1949 11 (see ICRC 1949) and the Additi<strong>on</strong>al Protocol I<br />
(AP I) <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1977 (see ICRC 1977a), whereas n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict is regulated by<br />
Comm<strong>on</strong> Article 3 <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Geneva C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>s and Additi<strong>on</strong>al Protocol II (AP II) (see ICRC<br />
1977b). This dichotomy in internati<strong>on</strong>al and n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flicts results from<br />
the traditi<strong>on</strong>al, territoriality-based, understanding <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> sovereignty and is particularly<br />
problematic in c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> with c<strong>on</strong>temporary ‘new c<strong>on</strong>flicts’ between a state and n<strong>on</strong>-state<br />
actors <strong>on</strong> <strong>foreign</strong> territory (see Bruha 2002, 414). Hence, there are two different possibilities<br />
for the applicati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> IHL <strong>on</strong> military measures against <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> in a <strong>foreign</strong> state. On the<br />
<strong>on</strong>e hand, it would be c<strong>on</strong>ceivable to extend the noti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict from<br />
11 For the further analysis in this paper, <strong>on</strong>ly the Third Geneva C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1949 (GC III) relative to the<br />
Treatment <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Pris<strong>on</strong>ers <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> War is relevant.<br />
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Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
interstate c<strong>on</strong>flict to n<strong>on</strong>-state c<strong>on</strong>flicting parties so that it comprises c<strong>on</strong>flicts between states<br />
and terror organisati<strong>on</strong>s because <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> its internati<strong>on</strong>al character. On the other hand, it would<br />
also be possible to apply the noti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict to cross-border<br />
issues, to include c<strong>on</strong>flicts between a state and a n<strong>on</strong>-state group which do not take place <strong>on</strong><br />
the territory <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> that state (see Schmitz-Elvenich 2007, 170 f.).<br />
3.3.1 Internati<strong>on</strong>al Armed C<strong>on</strong>flict<br />
Under internati<strong>on</strong>al humanitarian law, the c<strong>on</strong>cept <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict implies a<br />
str<strong>on</strong>g c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> to the requirement <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> statehood (see Vöneky 2004, 943). Because<br />
statehood is the main indicator for the applicability <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> IHL, it is irrelevant how intense or<br />
prol<strong>on</strong>ged the c<strong>on</strong>flict is. As the Commentary <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Internati<strong>on</strong>al Committee <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Red<br />
Cross (ICRC) states: “It makes no difference how l<strong>on</strong>g the c<strong>on</strong>flict lasts, or how much<br />
slaughter takes place” (Pictet 1952, 32). C<strong>on</strong>cerning the internati<strong>on</strong>al fight against terrorism,<br />
this means that they certainly fall in the category <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict when the<br />
territorial state is involved in the dispute. This can be the case when the state is resp<strong>on</strong>sible<br />
for the terrorist attack in the first place or when the self-defence measures are also directed<br />
against facilities <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the host state (see Vöneky 2004, 944; Bruha 2002, 414). In this sense, an<br />
internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict also exists when the state objects to the self-defence measures<br />
against <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong> its territory and becomes involved as a c<strong>on</strong>flicting party (see Schmitz-<br />
Elvenich 2007, 173). As an example, Operati<strong>on</strong> ‘Enduring Freedom’ in Afghanistan is<br />
generally seen as an internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict, because the Afghan government was<br />
providing a safe haven for Al-Qaeda and hence jointly resp<strong>on</strong>sible for the attacks <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
September 11 th (see Bruha 2002, 416). However, if a host state c<strong>on</strong>sents to those military<br />
measures or if it does not fight back, the existence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> an internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict based<br />
<strong>on</strong> the menti<strong>on</strong>ed criteri<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> statehood has to be negated (see Vöneky 2004, 944).<br />
Nevertheless, some scholars argue that even the violati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> another state’s sovereignty<br />
makes this state a party to the c<strong>on</strong>flict (see ibid., 944; Dinstein 2005, 245). But this<br />
argumentati<strong>on</strong> is flawed, because not every violati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> territorial integrity is the same, even<br />
though they all violate Article 2 (4). An internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict requires interstate use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
armed force. This is missing in the case <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a sovereignty violati<strong>on</strong> without the participati<strong>on</strong><br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> armed forces <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> both states. Thus, the mere violati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> sovereignty does not make that<br />
state a party to the c<strong>on</strong>flict in a material sense (see Grote 2004, 982). C<strong>on</strong>versely, based <strong>on</strong><br />
the criteri<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> statehood, armed disputes between a <strong>foreign</strong> state and a terrorist organisati<strong>on</strong><br />
do not classify as an internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict (see Tomuschat 2002, 4).<br />
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Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
Albeit, the existence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> an internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict could still be accepted, if <strong>on</strong>e leaves<br />
out the criteri<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> statehood and focuses solely <strong>on</strong> self-defence against terrorism. In<br />
particular, Art. 1 (4) AP I extends the definiti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict to “armed<br />
c<strong>on</strong>flicts in which peoples are fighting against col<strong>on</strong>ial dominati<strong>on</strong> and alien occupati<strong>on</strong> and<br />
against racist regimes in the exercise <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> their right <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> self-determinati<strong>on</strong>” (ICRC 1977a) to<br />
give n<strong>on</strong>-state actors the possibility to become a party <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> an internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict.<br />
Disputes between state forces and an internati<strong>on</strong>al terrorist organisati<strong>on</strong> cannot be subsumed<br />
under this article, because they distinctively differ from situati<strong>on</strong>s where nati<strong>on</strong>al liberati<strong>on</strong><br />
movements take acti<strong>on</strong>s against an occupying force (see Bruha 2002, 412). Such acti<strong>on</strong>s are<br />
generally seen as legitimate by the community <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> states, which is certainly unthinkable for<br />
the acti<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> (see Schmitz-Elvenich 2007, 177). Moreover, <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> cannot be<br />
seen as legitimate combatants as defined by the Geneva C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>s. According to Art. 4 A<br />
I GC (ICRC 1949), combatants in an internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict are members <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the armed<br />
forces <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a party to the c<strong>on</strong>flict. Terrorists are neither party to the c<strong>on</strong>flict nor do they have<br />
armed forces, they do not fall under it. But Art. 2 A II GC extends the definiti<strong>on</strong> to:<br />
Members <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> other militias and members <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> other volunteer corps […] provided that such […] fulfil the<br />
following c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s:<br />
(a) that <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> being commanded by a pers<strong>on</strong> resp<strong>on</strong>sible for his subordinates;<br />
(b) that <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> having a fixed distinctive sign recognizable at a distance;<br />
(c) that <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> carrying arms openly;<br />
(d) that <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>ducting their operati<strong>on</strong>s in accordance with the laws and customs <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> war.<br />
Terrorists do not fulfil these c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s (see e.g. Frowein 2002, 895; Watkin 2003, 10). In<br />
c<strong>on</strong>trast, <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> deliberately disguise themselves to commit attacks am<strong>on</strong>gst a civilian<br />
populati<strong>on</strong> and they certainly do not c<strong>on</strong>duct their operati<strong>on</strong>s in accordance with the laws<br />
and customs <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> war when <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> innocent civilians. Besides those legal and factual<br />
arguments, there is also a political argument against a combatant status for <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g>, because<br />
they would not <strong>on</strong>ly become a legitimate party to the c<strong>on</strong>flict but their goals and means<br />
would receive political legitimisati<strong>on</strong>, particularly with regard to the ius ad bellum.<br />
However, if <strong>on</strong>e party to the c<strong>on</strong>flict does not have combatants, there would not be legitimate<br />
targets <strong>on</strong> this side <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the c<strong>on</strong>flict (see Schmitz-Elvenich 2007, 179) 12 . In summary, if there<br />
is no state party involved <strong>on</strong> the terrorist side in an armed c<strong>on</strong>flict between them and another<br />
state, an internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict is not present. Otherwise, the law <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> internati<strong>on</strong>al armed<br />
c<strong>on</strong>flict would <strong>on</strong>ly bind the state party to its firm rules and not the n<strong>on</strong>-state actor.<br />
12 Kretzmer (2005, 193) notes that it would be a c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong> between ius ad bellum and ius in bello, if Article<br />
51 <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the UN Charter allows military measures against <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> but there are no legitimate targets under IHL.<br />
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Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
3.3.2 N<strong>on</strong>-Internati<strong>on</strong>al Armed C<strong>on</strong>flict<br />
Since it is not possible to apply IHL to the <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> within the scope <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict, the opti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict remains. This<br />
type <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>flict is mainly regulated by Comm<strong>on</strong> Article 3 <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Geneva C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>s which<br />
applies “in the case <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> armed c<strong>on</strong>flict not <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> an internati<strong>on</strong>al character occurring in the<br />
territory <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong>e <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the High C<strong>on</strong>tracting Parties” (ICRC 1949). It provides minimum<br />
humanitarian standards for all forms <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> armed c<strong>on</strong>flict and is thus <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten c<strong>on</strong>ceived as<br />
“c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong> within the c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>s” (Jinks 2003, 16; cited after Abi-Saab 1988, 221). In the<br />
analysis, it has thus to be determined whether the c<strong>on</strong>flict between state and a terrorist<br />
organisati<strong>on</strong> can be c<strong>on</strong>sidered a n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al c<strong>on</strong>flict and, sec<strong>on</strong>dly, at what point or<br />
degree it becomes an ‘armed’ n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al c<strong>on</strong>flict.<br />
First and foremost, it is relevant to see whether a n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict is c<strong>on</strong>fined<br />
to the territory <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a state. If this is the case, then <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> by forces <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
state A <strong>on</strong> the territory <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> state B could, by definiti<strong>on</strong>, not come within the ambit <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> n<strong>on</strong>internati<strong>on</strong>al<br />
armed c<strong>on</strong>flict and would ban the applicability <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> IHL (see Schmitz-Elvenich<br />
2007, 182). Evidence for such an interpretati<strong>on</strong> can be found in Article 1 (1) <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> AP II which<br />
c<strong>on</strong>fines n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flicts to c<strong>on</strong>flicts “which take place in the territory <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a<br />
High C<strong>on</strong>tracting Party between its armed forces and dissident armed forces or other<br />
organised armed groups” (IRCR 1977b). This would mean that cross-border c<strong>on</strong>flicts,<br />
including the internati<strong>on</strong>al fight against terrorism, cannot be seen as n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al armed<br />
c<strong>on</strong>flicts. However, AP II does not cover all c<strong>on</strong>flicts menti<strong>on</strong>ed in Comm<strong>on</strong> Article 3 GC as<br />
“not <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> an internati<strong>on</strong>al character”. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> express c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> between territory and armed<br />
forces <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Article 1 (1) AP II is missing in Comm<strong>on</strong> Article 3 GC. AP II thus has a narrower<br />
scope than Comm<strong>on</strong> Article 3 GC (see Sandoz 1987, para. 4447). Even though the latter <strong>on</strong>e<br />
also menti<strong>on</strong>s the territory <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a party, this does not mean that this party has to be part <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
c<strong>on</strong>flict. A participati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> government armed forces in a n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict is<br />
therefore not necessary (ibid., para. 4461). Furthermore, the term ‘n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al’ must<br />
not be equated with ‘domestic’. It denotes all armed c<strong>on</strong>flicts that are not taking place<br />
between two states (see Bruha 2002, 419). This interpretati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Comm<strong>on</strong> Article 3 GC was<br />
c<strong>on</strong>firmed by the US Supreme Court in the case Hamdan v. Rumsfeld (2006, 67 f.). Indeed,<br />
so far IHL interpreted n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flicts as domestic c<strong>on</strong>flicts between the<br />
state and a n<strong>on</strong>-state actor. But there is no substantive reas<strong>on</strong> why those norms should not<br />
apply to an armed c<strong>on</strong>flict with a n<strong>on</strong>-state actor that is not restricted to the territory (see<br />
Kretzmer 2005, 195), because if IHL already takes <strong>on</strong> issues that are domestic – and thus<br />
primarily subject to the sovereignty <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the state - c<strong>on</strong>flicts between a state and a group with a<br />
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Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
cross-border situati<strong>on</strong> definitely have to come under it (see Jinks 2003, 43). Hence, the<br />
noti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict is not c<strong>on</strong>fined to the territory <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a state. Instead,<br />
Comm<strong>on</strong> Article 3 GC covers all c<strong>on</strong>flicts that are not internati<strong>on</strong>al. Thus, IHL is principally<br />
applicable to the <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> (see Schmitz-Elvenich 2007, 188).<br />
However, the general applicability <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> IHL to transnati<strong>on</strong>al counter-terrorism does not reveal<br />
anything about requirements needed for a n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict. Other than in<br />
internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict, those requirements are not clearly normed, which is partly<br />
based <strong>on</strong> the fact that n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flicts <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten interfere with domestic laws<br />
and states certainly have no interest that every riot or uprising invokes Comm<strong>on</strong> Article 3<br />
GC (ibid., 190 f.). Still, some general requirements can be deduced from the ICJ’s general<br />
definiti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> armed c<strong>on</strong>flict in the Tadic case (see above, 19).<br />
Firstly, it says something about the durati<strong>on</strong> a c<strong>on</strong>flict must have to qualify as n<strong>on</strong>internati<strong>on</strong>al<br />
armed c<strong>on</strong>flict. By menti<strong>on</strong>ing “protracted, armed violence”, the court refers to<br />
a similar phrase in Article 1 (1) AP II which requires “sustained and c<strong>on</strong>certed military<br />
operati<strong>on</strong>s” (ICRC 1977b). In c<strong>on</strong>trast, Article 1 (2) AP II sees “internal disturbances and<br />
tensi<strong>on</strong>s, such as riots, isolated and sporadic acts <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> violence” (ibid.) as not sufficient<br />
enough. Similar provisi<strong>on</strong>s can be found in Article 8 (2)(d) and (f) <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Rome Statute <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
ICC (see ICC 1998). C<strong>on</strong>trary, c<strong>on</strong>trary to an internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict, n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al<br />
armed c<strong>on</strong>flict requires a l<strong>on</strong>g-term dispute between a state and a n<strong>on</strong>-state actor. Within the<br />
scope <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the internati<strong>on</strong>al fight against terrorism, the protracted nature can certainly be<br />
affirmed.<br />
Sec<strong>on</strong>dly, the term “protracted, armed violence” also implies a certain intensity a c<strong>on</strong>flict<br />
must have to qualify as n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict. As <strong>on</strong>e might argue, single terrorist<br />
attacks (or resp<strong>on</strong>ses to it) do not show enough intensity to be classed as n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al<br />
armed c<strong>on</strong>flict (see Vöneky 2004, 943). But, a holistic view is necessary in this case.<br />
Similarly to the noti<strong>on</strong> or “armed attack” under the ius ad bellum, a subsumpti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> several<br />
terrorist attacks under the accumulati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> events doctrine (see above, 17) is possible if they<br />
take place in a c<strong>on</strong>nective frame (see Schmitz-Elvenich 2007, 194 f.).<br />
Thirdly, for the presence <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict, a certain degree <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
organisati<strong>on</strong> is required <strong>on</strong> the side <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the n<strong>on</strong>-state actor, as the phrase “organised armed<br />
groups” (see ICTY definiti<strong>on</strong> above, 19) implies. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> fact is, terrorist organisati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten<br />
have an incredible command structure which <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten resembles that <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> armed forces. This<br />
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Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
structure in combinati<strong>on</strong> with sophisticated tactics and necessary logistics shows that it is<br />
necessary to counter <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> with c<strong>on</strong>tinued and coordinated military measures (see<br />
Schmitz-Elvenich 2007, 196). Even though the subsumpti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>flicts between a state and<br />
an internati<strong>on</strong>al terrorist organisati<strong>on</strong> under Comm<strong>on</strong> Article 3 GC may appear as a<br />
“loophole” (Bruha 2002, 419), it withstands a judicial review as l<strong>on</strong>g as the requirements <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
durati<strong>on</strong>, intensity and organisati<strong>on</strong> are fulfilled. It can thus be c<strong>on</strong>cluded that those c<strong>on</strong>flicts<br />
can be c<strong>on</strong>sidered as n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flicts which allow the applicability <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> IHL.<br />
3.3.3 Legal c<strong>on</strong>sequences<br />
Since IHL is applicable, the questi<strong>on</strong> arises what legal c<strong>on</strong>sequences follow for the <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g>. It needs to be determined whether <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> can become legitimate<br />
targets <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> military measures and which caveats exits with regard to the protecti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />
populati<strong>on</strong> and general proporti<strong>on</strong>ality <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the attacks.<br />
One <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the basic rules <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> IHL is the principle <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> distincti<strong>on</strong>. It clarifies that in an armed<br />
c<strong>on</strong>flict <strong>on</strong>ly two categories <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> pers<strong>on</strong>s exist: civilians or combatants (see Dörmann 2003,<br />
72). Under internati<strong>on</strong>al law, civilians must not be intenti<strong>on</strong>ally <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g>. Only legal<br />
combatants or pers<strong>on</strong>s participating directly in the hostilities <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> an armed c<strong>on</strong>flict may be<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> (see O’C<strong>on</strong>nell 2010, 21). But the classificati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> under this scheme is<br />
difficult, as they do not have such a status under internati<strong>on</strong>al law (see Frowein 2002, 893).<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>y are – as shown – not legal combatants and would then have to be classified as civilians,<br />
following the basic idea <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> internati<strong>on</strong>al law. C<strong>on</strong>sequently, the questi<strong>on</strong> arises when and<br />
how terrorist can become the target <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> attacks, including <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> operati<strong>on</strong>s, despite<br />
their missing combatant status. A possible soluti<strong>on</strong> could be the status <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> ‘illegal combatant’.<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> protecti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> civilians under IHL is not absolute. As Article 51 (3) AP I states:<br />
“Civilians shall enjoy the protecti<strong>on</strong> afforded by this secti<strong>on</strong>, unless and for such time as they<br />
take a direct part in hostilities” (ICRC 1977b). Such civilians which directly participate in<br />
hostilities are predominantly c<strong>on</strong>sidered as ‘illegal’ or ‘unprivileged’ combatants (see e.g.<br />
Dinstein 2004, 29; Watkin 2003, 4). <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> classificati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> illegal combatant is thus not based<br />
<strong>on</strong> a status (as it is with civilians and combatants) but <strong>on</strong> a certain behaviour. It is reas<strong>on</strong>ed<br />
in the ‘in<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>fensive’ character <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> civilians. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>ir passivity is a rigorous and logical<br />
prerequisite for their special protecti<strong>on</strong> (see Sandoz 1987, para. 1944). If a civilian<br />
participates in hostilities, he gives up his passivity and does not have the characteristic<br />
feature <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a civilian anymore. At least for the time <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> his participati<strong>on</strong> in hostilities, he<br />
forfeits his protecti<strong>on</strong> (see Dinstein 2004, 29), but not generally (see Dörmann 2003, 72).<br />
- 20 -
Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
In principle, the classificati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> as illegal combatants is supported (see e.g.<br />
Frowein 2002, 879; Vöneky 2004, 937; Kretzmer 2005, Wedgwood 2002, 335). Albeit, there<br />
is disagreement about what c<strong>on</strong>stitutes ‘direct participati<strong>on</strong> in hostilities’. Some argue that<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> permanently participate in hostilities and can be attacked at any time, because they<br />
have a “combatant like approach” (Watkin 2003, 12). Terrorists are <strong>on</strong>ly not seen as<br />
combatants because they disregard the rules and customs <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> IHL. Such a disregard should<br />
not result in a betterment <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> by not being legitimate targets (Watkin 2004, 17).<br />
However, mere membership in a terrorist organisati<strong>on</strong> as indicator for direct participati<strong>on</strong><br />
would undermine the principle <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> distincti<strong>on</strong> (see Kretzmer 2005, 198). Firstly, <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
must have a permanent combat role to classify as direct participants. C<strong>on</strong>sidering that<br />
terrorist organisati<strong>on</strong>s can be a party to a n<strong>on</strong>-internati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>flict, they must have<br />
members which permanently participate in hostilities (see Sandoz 1987, para. 4789).<br />
Admittedly, the competence to decide about whether a terrorist plays such a key role lies<br />
with the state which c<strong>on</strong>ducts the operati<strong>on</strong>. Still, <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten enough high-ranking <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> make<br />
no secret <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> their participati<strong>on</strong> in terrorist attacks (see Kretzmer 2005, 199). However,<br />
spiritual leaders must not be classed as full time-fighters as they d<strong>on</strong>’t have a permanent<br />
combat role. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>ir <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> would be illegal and could possible qualify as an assassinati<strong>on</strong> (see<br />
David 2002, 22). For example, the previously menti<strong>on</strong>ed <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Sheikh Ahmed Yassin<br />
(see above, 10) must be c<strong>on</strong>sidered as illegal, as he was clearly ideologically participating in<br />
terrorist attacks against Israel but due to his old age and paraplegia he certainly did have a<br />
combat role (see Schmitz-Elvenich 2007, 217 f.).<br />
Sec<strong>on</strong>dly, <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> must participate in combat missi<strong>on</strong>s. This includes the active and direct<br />
participati<strong>on</strong> in fighting as well as any “acts which by their nature and purpose are intended<br />
to cause actual harm to the pers<strong>on</strong>nel and equipment <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the armed forces” (Sandoz 1987,<br />
para. 1943 f.). Thus, ‘direct participati<strong>on</strong>’ has to be interpreted in the sense that it does not<br />
<strong>on</strong>ly include armed acti<strong>on</strong>s. However, the mere support <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> illegal combatants with food,<br />
medicine or with m<strong>on</strong>ey and logistical means cannot be c<strong>on</strong>sidered as direct participati<strong>on</strong><br />
(see Israeli Supreme Court 2006, para. 35).<br />
Thirdly, it is debatable whether illegal combatants can retrieve their civilian status again. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
argument against this view is that <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> would enjoy “the best <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> both worlds” (Kretzmer<br />
2005, 193) as they would generally be c<strong>on</strong>sidered civilians but could selective participate in<br />
hostilities. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> phenomen<strong>on</strong> is also known as “revolving door theory” (Watkin 2003, 12).<br />
This argument surely cannot be denied, because <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> can abuse their civilian status to<br />
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Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
c<strong>on</strong>duct their attacks which can hardly be accepted (see Israeli Supreme Court 2006, para.<br />
12). However, the revolving door argument must not be used to deny the restituti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
comprehensive protecti<strong>on</strong> to civilians. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> phrase “for such time as” in Article 51 (3) AP I<br />
restricts the status <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> illegal combatant to those time where civilians participate in hostilities<br />
(ibid., para. 38). Even though this reversibility c<strong>on</strong>tains an abuse potential, it is necessary for<br />
the protecti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> civilians (Schmitz-Elvenich 2007, 222).<br />
This protecti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> civilians is the underlying foundati<strong>on</strong> for the sec<strong>on</strong>d basic rule <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> IHL, the<br />
principle <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> proporti<strong>on</strong>ality. Even if <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> can be c<strong>on</strong>sidered legitimate targets according<br />
to the remarks made above, they must <strong>on</strong>ly be made an object <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a c<strong>on</strong>crete attack if civilians<br />
are not disproporti<strong>on</strong>ally affected (see Neumann 2003, 297). This is undisputed in customary<br />
internati<strong>on</strong>al law (see Sandoz 1987, para. 1923). <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> principle <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> proporti<strong>on</strong>ality is clearly<br />
regulated in Article 51 (5) (b) AP I. According to this, an attack “which may be expected to<br />
cause incidental loss <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> civilian life, injury to civilians, damage to civilian objects, or a<br />
combinati<strong>on</strong> there<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>, which would be excessive in relati<strong>on</strong> to the c<strong>on</strong>crete and direct military<br />
advantage anticipated” (ICRC 1977b) is disproporti<strong>on</strong>ate and indiscriminate. In this sense,<br />
some aspects have to be c<strong>on</strong>sidered before each <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> operati<strong>on</strong>.<br />
Firstly, the danger <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> collateral civilian casualties has to be minimised when planning the<br />
attack. For example, Precisi<strong>on</strong>-guided muniti<strong>on</strong> has to be preferred over heavy bombs (see<br />
Dinstein 2004, 126). Sec<strong>on</strong>dly, the state has to resort to milder means to avoid an<br />
endangerment <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the populati<strong>on</strong>. An arrest and trial <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> has to be c<strong>on</strong>sidered first<br />
(see Israeli Supreme Court 2006, para. 40). However, arrests cannot generally be seen as a<br />
milder but still effective means in comparis<strong>on</strong> to <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s, so that the latter <strong>on</strong>e is not<br />
necessarily disproporti<strong>on</strong>ate. Lastly, a high proporti<strong>on</strong>ality threshold exists for those<br />
operati<strong>on</strong>s where it is certain that civilian casualties will occur (see Ben-Naftali/Michaeli<br />
2003, 277). If innocent civilians are killed, prima facie evidence suggests that this <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> operati<strong>on</strong> is disproporti<strong>on</strong>ate (see Schmitz-Elvenich 2007, 231). Here, the acting state<br />
has to put forward serious reas<strong>on</strong>s why such acti<strong>on</strong>s justify civilian casualties and possible<br />
has to recompense survivors (see Israeli Supreme Court 2006, para. 40).<br />
To sum up the jus in bello <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>, IHL is applicable to the fight against<br />
internati<strong>on</strong>al terrorism and adequately comprises armed c<strong>on</strong>flicts with them. As l<strong>on</strong>g as<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> take place within l<strong>on</strong>g-term c<strong>on</strong>flicts, the rules <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> n<strong>on</strong>internati<strong>on</strong>al<br />
armed c<strong>on</strong>flict apply. Here, the state is bound to the minimum standards <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
humane treatment <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Comm<strong>on</strong> Article 3 GC.<br />
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Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
4 Legitimacy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
“I d<strong>on</strong>’t care if they do it as l<strong>on</strong>g as they get the right people. We’ll protest in the Nati<strong>on</strong>al<br />
Assembly and then ignore it.”<br />
⎯ Pakistani PM Gilani, August 2008 13<br />
This chapter deals with the legitimacy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>, i.e. the policy issues and<br />
effectiveness. Firstly, in terms <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> policy issues (or the ‘input’-legitimacy), it is discussed<br />
whether the pro arguments for <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> weigh heavier than the c<strong>on</strong>tra arguments.<br />
Sec<strong>on</strong>dly, a look is taken at the effectiveness <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> (or the ‘output’-legitimacy),<br />
i.e. whether it is actually a tool that can help to reduce terrorist activities.<br />
4.1 Policy Issues<br />
In many situati<strong>on</strong>s legitimacy is <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten equated with legality. But the problem <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> legitimacy<br />
arises precisely because <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the unstable and problematic relati<strong>on</strong>ship between law and<br />
morality <strong>on</strong> the <strong>on</strong>e hand and law and power <strong>on</strong> the other hand (see Hurrell 2005, 17). Thus<br />
the questi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> legitimacy has to be seen separate from the questi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> legality. In this sense,<br />
legitimacy is about providing persuasive reas<strong>on</strong>s about why a certain course <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> acti<strong>on</strong>, a rule,<br />
or a political order is right and appropriate (ibid., 24). Applied to the policy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>, this means that pro and c<strong>on</strong>tra arguments have to weighed against each other to see<br />
whether such a policy can be regarded as legitimate.<br />
Indeed, there are certain drawbacks which speak against the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> as a tool<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> counter-terrorism operati<strong>on</strong>s. Firstly, the <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> individual <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> may<br />
elevate them to martyrdom and strengthen enemy morale and resolve (see Scharf 2004).<br />
Instead <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> hampering the <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g>’ work, there is a chance that the <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> individuals will<br />
be replaced by others. In the worst case, there would be a Hydra effect, i.e. the rise <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> more –<br />
even more resolute – leaders to replace them. For example, when Israel assassinated<br />
Hezbollah’s leader Abbas Mussawi in Leban<strong>on</strong> in 1992, a more charismatic and successful<br />
leader, Hassan Nassrallah, followed him (see Blum/Heymann 2010, 165). In the case <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Al-<br />
Qaeda, numerous deadly cells operate independently <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a central leadership, thus<br />
diminishing the potential effectiveness <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>.<br />
Sec<strong>on</strong>dly, when major regi<strong>on</strong>al or world powers and democracies such as Israel and the<br />
United States more or less openly pursue a policy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>, it helps to create new<br />
13 This comment was allegedly made by PM Gilani to US Ambassador Anne W. Patters<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the issue <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>, according to US Diplomatic cables published <strong>on</strong> Wikileaks (2011).<br />
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Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
behavioural standards, which could be detrimental to their interests (see David 2002, 13 f.).<br />
Such operati<strong>on</strong>s emphasise the disparity in power between the parties and reinforce popular<br />
support for the <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g>, who are seen as David fighting Goliath (see Blum/Heymann 2010,<br />
165). Also, “assassinati<strong>on</strong> is a weap<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the weak” (David 2002, 13). It benefits those with<br />
limited resources. In other words, it plays to Palestinian strengths. If Israel erodes the norm<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> assassinati<strong>on</strong>, i.e. <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>, it transforms the rules <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>flict in a manner that<br />
benefits its most fervent adversaries (ibid., 13). Furthermore, the more frequent use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> may present cascading threats to world order in general (see Scharf 2004).<br />
Thirdly and obviously, when <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> operati<strong>on</strong>s are c<strong>on</strong>ducted <strong>on</strong> the territory <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a<br />
<strong>foreign</strong> state, they run the risk <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> heightening internati<strong>on</strong>al tensi<strong>on</strong>s between the attacking<br />
government and the host government. A prominent and recent example for this is the<br />
relati<strong>on</strong>s between the United States and Pakistan after the death <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Osama Bin Laden, which<br />
really suffered due to the incident (see Borger 2011). <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> United States even withholds $<br />
800 milli<strong>on</strong> in <strong>foreign</strong> aid to Pakistan (see Rettig 2011).<br />
Fourthly, <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s comprise the risk <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> spiralling hatred and violence, which numbs<br />
both sides to the effects <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> and c<strong>on</strong>tinues the vicious circle <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> violence. At the same<br />
time, civilians suffer whether they are the intended target <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> attack or they just happened to<br />
be at the wr<strong>on</strong>g place at the wr<strong>on</strong>g time (ibid., 166). Moreover, the cycle <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> violence can also<br />
lead to cooperati<strong>on</strong> am<strong>on</strong>g adversarial terrorist groups against a comm<strong>on</strong> enemy (see David<br />
2002, 10).<br />
Lastly, there is a moral argument against <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>. According to Michael Gross<br />
(2006), the <strong>on</strong>ly way to justify <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s in a c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al war is by c<strong>on</strong>sidering soldiers not as<br />
individuals, but as agents <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> their polities. As individuals, most soldiers would be morally<br />
exempt from being killed, but as agents <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a state, they would lose this immunity and become<br />
(morally) legitimate targets. Thus, the license to kill enemy soldiers is granted <strong>on</strong>ly because<br />
their pers<strong>on</strong>al merits or demerits are ignored. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> problem with <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> is that it does<br />
not meet this c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>, thereby undermining the very justificati<strong>on</strong> for <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> in war. This<br />
violati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> an<strong>on</strong>ymity in <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> is referred to by Gross as ‘named <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>’.<br />
However, there are certain benefits <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> operati<strong>on</strong>s, which became apparent<br />
especially in Israel’s campaign during the Sec<strong>on</strong>d Intifada but also in the American<br />
operati<strong>on</strong>s at the Hindu Kush. Firstly, <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> can act as a deterrent. Even though it<br />
seems unrealistic to deter people who are willing and eager to blow themselves up, but<br />
- 24 -
Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
behind every suicide attacker there are others who are might not be as willing to become<br />
martyrs, especially senior <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ficials. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> large numbers <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Palestinian commanders who<br />
surrendered during the large-scale Israeli military operati<strong>on</strong>s in the spring <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> 2002 supports<br />
this assumpti<strong>on</strong>. Moreover, many skilled and capable Palestinians possibly do no engage in<br />
terrorist organisati<strong>on</strong>s because they fear Israeli reprisals (see David 2002, 7). <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>re is also<br />
str<strong>on</strong>g evidence that <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s hurt terrorist organisati<strong>on</strong>s so much that they change<br />
their behaviour. When former prime minister Ariel Shar<strong>on</strong> met with Palestinian leaders in<br />
2002, the first thing <strong>on</strong> their list was an end to <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s (see Safire 2002). <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>y even<br />
agreed to refrain from launching attacks <strong>on</strong> pre-1967 Israel territory as l<strong>on</strong>g as Israel<br />
refrained from <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>. Although the cease-fire eventually broke, their willingness to<br />
abide it for a while shows the deterrent potential <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> (see David 2002, 7).<br />
Sec<strong>on</strong>dly, <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> is keeping potential bombers and bomb-makers <strong>on</strong> the run. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
Israelis <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten deliberately informed the Palestinian Authority about upcoming attacks, as they<br />
knew this informati<strong>on</strong> was passed <strong>on</strong> to the <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> individuals. Some then voluntarily<br />
handed themselves in to Palestinian police to avoid being killed, c<strong>on</strong>sequently diminishing<br />
the threat they posed to Israel (ibid., 7). Others take precauti<strong>on</strong>s such as sleeping in various<br />
places every night, praying in different mosques and not giving informati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> their<br />
whereabouts (see Stein 2001, 5). <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> time and effort <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> spend to avoid being killed<br />
obviously reduces the time and effort they can spend <strong>on</strong> preparing, planning or c<strong>on</strong>ducting<br />
attacks (see Fisher 2007, 734 f.). Furthermore, militants <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten experience “social problems”<br />
due to their status as <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g>. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>y are not even welcome in their own<br />
communities: when they enter c<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>fee shops, patr<strong>on</strong>s quickly leave, taxis refuse to take them<br />
and shop owners close their doors when they approach (see Wilner 2010, 315).<br />
Thirdly, <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> is popular with the public in Israel and the United States. A poll by<br />
the Israeli daily newspaper Ma’ariv in July 2001 found that 90 per cent <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Israeli public<br />
supported the government’s policy (see Goldenberg 2001). Similarly, a Wall Street Journal<br />
poll found that 70 per cent <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Americans favoured the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> in counterterrorism<br />
operati<strong>on</strong>s (see Polling Report 2001). In this sense, <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> does not<br />
undermine democracy because democracies follow public opini<strong>on</strong> and the policy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> has never lost favour with the public (see David 2002, 8). Moreover, it is also<br />
effective in the media battle because it creates far less negative media attenti<strong>on</strong> than other<br />
operati<strong>on</strong>s, such as attacks <strong>on</strong> Palestinian cities (ibid., 8).<br />
- 25 -
Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
Finally, even the argument <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> ‘named <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>’ can be invalidated. On the <strong>on</strong>e hand, it has the<br />
permissive moral premise that soldiers can (morally) be killed in war, regardless <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> their<br />
individual innocence but <strong>on</strong> the other hand, its c<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong> is very restrictive in the sense that<br />
even actors who are not innocent (either morally or materially) are illegitimate targets. This<br />
is quite paradoxical but results from the collectivist soluti<strong>on</strong> to the problem <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> in<br />
wartime. If self-defence does not provide ample justificati<strong>on</strong> for <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s in war, then it must<br />
be c<strong>on</strong>cluded that these <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s are morally unjustified and, therefore, war in general is<br />
unjustified. Seeing people killed in war as agents <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a state rather than as individuals is thus<br />
not helpful, because their moral dignity is not c<strong>on</strong>tingent to a certain status (see Statman<br />
2004, 190). Furthermore, targeting <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> does not mean <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> them by name, but by<br />
role. Terrorists are <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> for the special role they play in a terrorist organisati<strong>on</strong> and for<br />
the acti<strong>on</strong>s they committed. This is similar to <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s in c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al wars, where agents in a<br />
prominent positi<strong>on</strong> such as generals or military leaders are more preferentially <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> by<br />
the enemy. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>se targetings show no “pers<strong>on</strong>al” grievance, but simply mean the recogniti<strong>on</strong><br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> their special positi<strong>on</strong> in their role as agents (ibid., 190).<br />
To sum up, there are certainly str<strong>on</strong>g arguments for and against the legitimacy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>. Even though the negative side seems to be overwhelming at first, it can be<br />
invalidated by the positive aspects. In particular the fact that <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> has a str<strong>on</strong>g<br />
deterrent potential (if used correctly and not excessively) and keeps <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong> the run,<br />
alienating them from society is a str<strong>on</strong>g argument for it. However, they <strong>on</strong>ly c<strong>on</strong>cern the<br />
‘input’ side <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> legitimacy and the ‘output’ side, or effectiveness needs to be assessed as well.<br />
4.2 Effectiveness<br />
Some literature <strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> suggests that this policy diminishes the coercive and<br />
operati<strong>on</strong>al capabilities <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> terrorist organisati<strong>on</strong>s in several ways (see e.g. David 2002, 6;<br />
Byman 2006, 101 f.; Blum/Heymann 2010, 166 f.). <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>stant targeting <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> key leaders<br />
significantly disrupts an organisati<strong>on</strong> and leaves it in general disarray. Even in decentralised<br />
organisati<strong>on</strong>s such as Al-Qaeda, skilled and experienced leaders are rare and difficult to<br />
replace, particularly in the short-term (see Cullen 2007, 8). In Afghanistan, the US Army has<br />
observed that “in several cases, insurgents have actually refused to take over the leadership<br />
positi<strong>on</strong>s, have had difficulty finding technical experts, such as IED (Improvised Explosive<br />
Device) facilitators, gun runners and bomb trainers” (Brook 2011). By removing <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> in<br />
leadership positi<strong>on</strong>s, the ability to coordinate attacks is substantially disrupted and the<br />
communicati<strong>on</strong> between leaders and operators breaks down, which complicates both shortterm<br />
tactical planning and l<strong>on</strong>g-term strategic planning (see Wilner 2010, 312).<br />
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Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
Especially with smaller terrorist cells, where leadership, knowledge, and power are<br />
combined in <strong>on</strong>ly a few people, decapitating strikes can have the effect <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> completely<br />
destroying the group (ibid., 312). <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>se assumpti<strong>on</strong>s rest <strong>on</strong> the understanding that terrorist<br />
organisati<strong>on</strong>s rely <strong>on</strong> the work <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> a few individuals. As Ben-Israel et al. (2006, 5) note: “<str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
number <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> key activists in the Hamas, […] who are actually engaged in preparing an act <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
terror, is <strong>on</strong>ly a few hundred. One <strong>on</strong>ly needs to neutralize 20%-30% <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> them for the<br />
organisati<strong>on</strong>'s “producti<strong>on</strong>” <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> acts <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> terror to drop significantly.” To make coordinated acts<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> violence possible, terrorism requires a “producti<strong>on</strong> line” (Wilner 2010, 312) <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> activity,<br />
from looking for potential targets to preparing suicide bombers. Most importantly,<br />
organisati<strong>on</strong>s become de-pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>essi<strong>on</strong>alised. C<strong>on</strong>trary to popular myth, <strong>on</strong>ly few individuals<br />
have the skills needed to make effective bombs or the leadership qualities required to<br />
successfully manage such an organisati<strong>on</strong> (see Byman 2006, 103). Moreover, the failure to<br />
replace killed leaders can also lead to defecti<strong>on</strong>s and purges, especially if speculati<strong>on</strong>s over<br />
traitors and informants arise (see Lotri<strong>on</strong>te 2002, 81).<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> questi<strong>on</strong> is, whether these assumpti<strong>on</strong>s are c<strong>on</strong>firmed by empirical data. It is worth<br />
looking at the number <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> attacks and deaths by terrorist organisati<strong>on</strong>s in the two countries<br />
where <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> operati<strong>on</strong>s are most prevalent, Israel and Pakistan 14 .<br />
Chart 1. Number <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Attacks and Deaths<br />
by Terrorists in Israel, 2001-2009<br />
450<br />
3,50<br />
400<br />
3,00<br />
350<br />
2,50<br />
300<br />
250<br />
2,00<br />
200<br />
1,50<br />
150<br />
1,00<br />
100<br />
50<br />
0,50<br />
0<br />
0,00<br />
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009<br />
Incidents<br />
Fatalities<br />
Lethality Rate<br />
Source:RAND<br />
Database <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
Worldwide Terrorism<br />
Chart 1 displays the figures for Israel from 2001 to 2009. As visible <strong>on</strong> the chart, the<br />
fatalities rose in 2002 and stayed high until 2005. During that time the Sec<strong>on</strong>d Intifada took<br />
place. However, the number <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> incidents stayed quite low and even went down by half in<br />
2004. Thus, the attacks were not as numerous, but lethal. For the period from 2005 to 2009<br />
the picture is reversed. In 2006 and 2008 the number attacks dramatically rose, which can be<br />
explained by an increasing predominance <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the radical Hamas which w<strong>on</strong> the parliamentary<br />
14 <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>se charts were made by the author, using data compiled by the RAND Database <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Worldwide Terrorism<br />
Incidents (http://smapp.rand.org/rwtid/search_form.php).<br />
- 27 -
Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
majority in 2006 and Israel’s blocking <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Gaza strip as well as the Gaza War, both in<br />
2008. Albeit, the number <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> fatalities c<strong>on</strong>sistently dropped and the lethality rate went down<br />
accordingly.<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> figures for Pakistan (Chart 2) show a completely different picture.<br />
Chart 2. Number <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Attacks and Deaths by Terrorists<br />
in Pakistan, 2001-2009<br />
600<br />
14<br />
525<br />
12<br />
450<br />
10<br />
375<br />
8<br />
300<br />
6<br />
225<br />
150<br />
4<br />
75<br />
2<br />
0<br />
0<br />
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009<br />
Incidents<br />
Fatalities<br />
Lethality Rate<br />
Source:RAND<br />
Database <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
Worldwide Terrorism<br />
From 2001 until 2004 the incidents were relatively steady as were the fatalities. From 2005<br />
to 2008 incidents bulged, reaching a climax in 2006. However, what is interesting, is that<br />
even though the incidents steadily declined after 2006, the fatalities c<strong>on</strong>tinued to rise,<br />
reaching an astr<strong>on</strong>omic level in 2008. This means that the lethality skyrocketed as well, i.e.<br />
the <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> became very efficient in their operati<strong>on</strong>s. C<strong>on</strong>sidering that the CIA dr<strong>on</strong>e<br />
operati<strong>on</strong>s in Pakistan started in 2004 (see <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> Ec<strong>on</strong>omist 2011) it seems as if the <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
operati<strong>on</strong>s had no or even a negative impact <strong>on</strong> terrorist activity. Rather, data from 2009<br />
shows a significant drop in incidents and fatalities. But as there is no data available for 2010<br />
yet, it cannot be said whether this c<strong>on</strong>stitutes a trend or not.<br />
This descriptive data, at least for Israel, seems to support the noti<strong>on</strong> that <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
hampers terrorist organisati<strong>on</strong>s. However, it is not clear whether <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> is the<br />
significant independent variable or if there are other intervening variables which lead to a<br />
decline in fatalities. Only inferential statistics can fill this gap, but this would go bey<strong>on</strong>d the<br />
scope and length <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> this paper. Some scholars (e.g. Kaplan et. al 2005; Jaeger/Paserman<br />
2007; Hafez/Hatfield 2006) have d<strong>on</strong>e regressi<strong>on</strong> analyses <strong>on</strong> the issue <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>.<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>ir findings suggest that even though there might be a short-term incapacitati<strong>on</strong> or<br />
deterrent effect <strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g>, <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s do not decrease the rate <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> violence. Instead,<br />
other measures such as preventive arrests are more effective in lowering the levels <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
violence (see e.g. Kaplan et al. 2005, 232; Cr<strong>on</strong>in 2009, 32 f.). However, those analyses are<br />
- 28 -
Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
flawed in the sense that they <strong>on</strong>ly refer to the Palestinian c<strong>on</strong>flict and rely <strong>on</strong> small amounts<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> data and short time frames. Analyses from other c<strong>on</strong>flicts such as Afghanistan show a<br />
different result (see Wilner 2010, 318 f.).<br />
Overall, the issue <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> legitimacy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s depicts a complex picture. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>y can <strong>on</strong>ly<br />
be c<strong>on</strong>sidered legitimate when there are str<strong>on</strong>g arguments in favour <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> it and when it is<br />
effective. As dem<strong>on</strong>strated, the positive sides <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the policy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> outweigh the<br />
negative sides. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> ‘input’ side <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the legitimacy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> can thus be affirmed.<br />
However, the “output” side <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> legitimacy c<strong>on</strong>cerning effectiveness is more difficult. Even<br />
though descriptive data seems to assert the noti<strong>on</strong> that <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s are effective in the<br />
case <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Israel, it is not corroborated by other (rather flawed) analyses. In this instance, more<br />
research and a more comprehensive analysis is needed to fill the gap.<br />
5 C<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong><br />
"If given a choice between <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> or capturing, we would probably kill."<br />
⎯ Sen. Christopher S. B<strong>on</strong>d, February 2010 15<br />
This paper analysed the legality and legitimacy aspects <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the policy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> as<br />
differentiated, herein, from other state-sancti<strong>on</strong>ed acti<strong>on</strong>s such as ‘assassinati<strong>on</strong>’ and ‘extrajudicial<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>’. It argues that <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> can be justified under internati<strong>on</strong>al law if<br />
str<strong>on</strong>g legal restraints are observed. Moreover, in terms <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> legitimacy, <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> can be<br />
seen as a viable tool <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> counter-terrorism, because the benefits outweigh the negative aspects<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> it. However, c<strong>on</strong>cerning effectiveness, more research is needed to make a qualified<br />
assessment.<br />
It was found that <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> decisively differs from other forms <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> state-sancti<strong>on</strong>ed<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s such as ‘assassinati<strong>on</strong>s’ or ‘extra-judicial <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s’. Targeted <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> denotes the use<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> lethal force by a state with the intent, premeditati<strong>on</strong> and deliberati<strong>on</strong> to kill individual<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g>. By looking at the historical background, it became obvious that the policy <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s is certainly not a new development but has been used by Israel and the United States<br />
in several other (asymmetric) c<strong>on</strong>flicts. In the main part, the legality and legitimacy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> such<br />
acti<strong>on</strong>s were carefully analysed. Firstly, the legality <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> under internati<strong>on</strong>al<br />
law was assessed. In a first step, a decisi<strong>on</strong> had to be made whether <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> was to be<br />
classed under a law-enforcement paradigm or a war paradigm. It was found that the terrorist<br />
15 DeYoung/Warrick 2010.<br />
- 29 -
Tobias Ruettersh<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>f<br />
Panel 4 (a)<br />
threat from <strong>foreign</strong> countries is too severe to leave it to law-enforcement authorities, as they<br />
simply lack the means to effectively counter terrorist attacks and they can <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten not operate<br />
in <strong>foreign</strong> countries, particularly if it is a failed state. Thus, the war paradigm marked the<br />
appropriate background for the analysis <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>. C<strong>on</strong>cerning the jus ad bellum <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>, it has to be said that it can be seen as legal under the right <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> self-defence<br />
according to Article 51 <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the UN Charter. States must have the permissi<strong>on</strong> to counter<br />
terrorist attacks if they classify as armed attacks within the meaning <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Article 51.. But,<br />
every potential <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> has to be assessed separately in terms <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the jus ad bellum<br />
and the self-defence measures are limited by the customary principles <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> immediacy,<br />
necessity and proporti<strong>on</strong>ality.<br />
In terms <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the jus in bello, it can be observed that IHL is indeed applicable to the fight<br />
against internati<strong>on</strong>al terrorism and also covers armed c<strong>on</strong>flicts with terrorist organisati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />
When <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s operati<strong>on</strong>s take place within l<strong>on</strong>g-term c<strong>on</strong>flicts, the rules <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> n<strong>on</strong>internati<strong>on</strong>al<br />
armed c<strong>on</strong>flict apply, where the attacking state is required to guarantee<br />
minimum standards <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> humane treatment as defined in Comm<strong>on</strong> Article 3 GC. It is thus<br />
argued that <str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> qualify as legitimate targets if they directly participate in hostilities as<br />
illegal combatants, but this determinati<strong>on</strong> has to be made <strong>on</strong> an individual basis. However, if<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>terrorists</str<strong>on</strong>g> refrain from hostilities and return to a civilian life, they regain the full protecti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
the civilian status.<br />
Sec<strong>on</strong>dly, the issue <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> legitimacy was scrutinised. To be c<strong>on</strong>sidered legitimate, both<br />
c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s have to apply. C<strong>on</strong>cerning the input-legitimacy, certainly some arguments against<br />
<str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> exist, which have to be taken into account. However, the positive aspects <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
the policy outweigh them. In terms <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> effectiveness, comprehensive descriptive data <strong>on</strong> Israel<br />
seems to assert the noti<strong>on</strong> that <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s are effective, because the fatality rate <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
terrorist attacks certainly dropped with the c<strong>on</strong>tinuati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s. However, it is<br />
unclear whether <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> is the decisive variable in this case. Some statistical analyses<br />
suggest that other factors, such as preventive arrests or heightened security measures may<br />
well be resp<strong>on</strong>sible for the drop in fatalities and attacks and not <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s. In any case,<br />
more empirical data and a detailed analysis <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> several c<strong>on</strong>flicts are needed to provide a better<br />
picture. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> policy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g> is certainly a highly c<strong>on</strong>troversial topic. Within very<br />
narrow c<strong>on</strong>fines, it can be c<strong>on</strong>sidered legal under internati<strong>on</strong>al law. However, when looking<br />
at cases <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>targeted</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>killing</str<strong>on</strong>g>s by the US and Israel, it is <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten highly questi<strong>on</strong>able if those<br />
c<strong>on</strong>fines are observed. Most <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> them are indeed seriously illegal. A revisi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> internati<strong>on</strong>al<br />
law treaties and adjustment to modern warfare could be helpful in this aspect.<br />
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