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2000 HSS/PSA Program 1 - History of Science Society

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<strong>HSS</strong> Abstracts<br />

George␣ D. Gale University <strong>of</strong> Missouri, Kansas City<br />

Comprehending the Catastrophe:<br />

The Role <strong>of</strong> Medical Models in the Phylloxera Grapevine Plague, France,<br />

1868-1875<br />

Plants get sick, too. Sometimes this banal truism masks events <strong>of</strong> incredible<br />

significance. When the sick plants have economic importance to human beings,<br />

consequences <strong>of</strong> truly global scope may be entrained. The Irish potato blight<br />

<strong>of</strong> 1848 is a prime example <strong>of</strong> this fact. Other plant disease epidemics—<br />

epiphytotics—also plagued the Nineteenth Century. Since plant pathology at<br />

this time was sorely underdeveloped theoretically, the central question in each<br />

<strong>of</strong> these disasters was: How are these plant diseases to be understood? The<br />

present study, which focuses upon the scientific response to the devastating<br />

Nineteenth-Century grapevine plague known as the phylloxera crisis, attempts<br />

to answer this question in one important historical case. Bluntly stated, my<br />

two conclusions are these: 1. Understanding the grapevine phylloxera<br />

epiphytotic depended crucially upon then-extant medical models <strong>of</strong> human<br />

disease; and 2. Since there were two competing disease models prevalent at<br />

the time, a controversy regarding the etiology and nature <strong>of</strong> the malady<br />

inevitably arose. My argument is organized as follows. First, I describe the<br />

onset <strong>of</strong> the malady in some detail, and chronicle the first few years <strong>of</strong> its<br />

march across the vineyards <strong>of</strong> France. Secondly, in the following two sections,<br />

I provide a brief description <strong>of</strong> the Nineteenth Century versions, first, <strong>of</strong> two<br />

general models <strong>of</strong> human disease and, secondly, <strong>of</strong> plant pathology. In the<br />

penultimate section, I focus tightly upon the details <strong>of</strong> the first several years<br />

<strong>of</strong> controversy between leading proponents <strong>of</strong> the two sides in the dispute<br />

over the origin and nature <strong>of</strong> the malady. This discussion will situate the<br />

arguments <strong>of</strong> the two sides under the aegis <strong>of</strong> their respective human disease<br />

models. Finally, in a brief concluding note I will give an admittedly Whiggish<br />

summary <strong>of</strong> the outcome <strong>of</strong> the crisis, and relate it to a similar epiphytotic<br />

disaster unfolding in the vineyards <strong>of</strong> today’s California.<br />

86<br />

Janet Garber Independent Scholar<br />

Jane Franklin and the Natural <strong>History</strong> Museum Idea in Tasmania<br />

In 1828, Jane Griffin, who had led a life <strong>of</strong> parties, balls, operas, museums, and<br />

tours <strong>of</strong> the Continent, married the Arctic explorer, Sir John Franklin. In 1836,<br />

Franklin became Governor <strong>of</strong> Van Diemen’s Land. He and Jane arrived in 1837,<br />

and two years later founded a scientific society, where papers were presented by<br />

visitors John Gould and Joseph Hooker, among others. In 1837, Jane bought<br />

130 acres for a botanical garden. Exhibits were arranged in Government House,<br />

pending construction <strong>of</strong> a museum. Jane then purchased 400 additional acres <strong>of</strong>

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