2000 HSS/PSA Program 1 - History of Science Society
2000 HSS/PSA Program 1 - History of Science Society
2000 HSS/PSA Program 1 - History of Science Society
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<strong>HSS</strong> Abstracts<br />
George␣ D. Gale University <strong>of</strong> Missouri, Kansas City<br />
Comprehending the Catastrophe:<br />
The Role <strong>of</strong> Medical Models in the Phylloxera Grapevine Plague, France,<br />
1868-1875<br />
Plants get sick, too. Sometimes this banal truism masks events <strong>of</strong> incredible<br />
significance. When the sick plants have economic importance to human beings,<br />
consequences <strong>of</strong> truly global scope may be entrained. The Irish potato blight<br />
<strong>of</strong> 1848 is a prime example <strong>of</strong> this fact. Other plant disease epidemics—<br />
epiphytotics—also plagued the Nineteenth Century. Since plant pathology at<br />
this time was sorely underdeveloped theoretically, the central question in each<br />
<strong>of</strong> these disasters was: How are these plant diseases to be understood? The<br />
present study, which focuses upon the scientific response to the devastating<br />
Nineteenth-Century grapevine plague known as the phylloxera crisis, attempts<br />
to answer this question in one important historical case. Bluntly stated, my<br />
two conclusions are these: 1. Understanding the grapevine phylloxera<br />
epiphytotic depended crucially upon then-extant medical models <strong>of</strong> human<br />
disease; and 2. Since there were two competing disease models prevalent at<br />
the time, a controversy regarding the etiology and nature <strong>of</strong> the malady<br />
inevitably arose. My argument is organized as follows. First, I describe the<br />
onset <strong>of</strong> the malady in some detail, and chronicle the first few years <strong>of</strong> its<br />
march across the vineyards <strong>of</strong> France. Secondly, in the following two sections,<br />
I provide a brief description <strong>of</strong> the Nineteenth Century versions, first, <strong>of</strong> two<br />
general models <strong>of</strong> human disease and, secondly, <strong>of</strong> plant pathology. In the<br />
penultimate section, I focus tightly upon the details <strong>of</strong> the first several years<br />
<strong>of</strong> controversy between leading proponents <strong>of</strong> the two sides in the dispute<br />
over the origin and nature <strong>of</strong> the malady. This discussion will situate the<br />
arguments <strong>of</strong> the two sides under the aegis <strong>of</strong> their respective human disease<br />
models. Finally, in a brief concluding note I will give an admittedly Whiggish<br />
summary <strong>of</strong> the outcome <strong>of</strong> the crisis, and relate it to a similar epiphytotic<br />
disaster unfolding in the vineyards <strong>of</strong> today’s California.<br />
86<br />
Janet Garber Independent Scholar<br />
Jane Franklin and the Natural <strong>History</strong> Museum Idea in Tasmania<br />
In 1828, Jane Griffin, who had led a life <strong>of</strong> parties, balls, operas, museums, and<br />
tours <strong>of</strong> the Continent, married the Arctic explorer, Sir John Franklin. In 1836,<br />
Franklin became Governor <strong>of</strong> Van Diemen’s Land. He and Jane arrived in 1837,<br />
and two years later founded a scientific society, where papers were presented by<br />
visitors John Gould and Joseph Hooker, among others. In 1837, Jane bought<br />
130 acres for a botanical garden. Exhibits were arranged in Government House,<br />
pending construction <strong>of</strong> a museum. Jane then purchased 400 additional acres <strong>of</strong>