2000 HSS/PSA Program 1 - History of Science Society
2000 HSS/PSA Program 1 - History of Science Society
2000 HSS/PSA Program 1 - History of Science Society
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<strong>HSS</strong> Abstracts<br />
Columbian history previously done by several countries and institutions.<br />
Although the Mexican government belonged to the undersigned <strong>of</strong> the statute<br />
<strong>of</strong> the EIAEA, this enterprise faced some opposition from Mexican<br />
anthropologists and archaeologists who feared scientific imperialism by their<br />
American and European colleagues. Whereas this controversy over the<br />
protection <strong>of</strong> Mexican antiquities and the scientific status <strong>of</strong> their own<br />
disciplines was mostly confined to the Mexicans, the changing international<br />
context—with the outbreak <strong>of</strong> the Mexican Revolution and the European Great<br />
War—greatly effected the scientific cooperation. Nationalist resentments led<br />
to changing and unstable alliances between the scientists depending on the<br />
foreign politics <strong>of</strong> their countries. The lack <strong>of</strong> governmental cooperation in<br />
funding and supporting the institute on the one hand, together with the intention<br />
<strong>of</strong> Mexican scientists to take over the scientific exploration <strong>of</strong> their own country<br />
as a national task led finally to the collapse <strong>of</strong> the EIAEA.<br />
84<br />
Mary␣ O. Furner University <strong>of</strong> California, Santa Barbara<br />
The Enlightenment Ideal, the Social <strong>Science</strong>s, and Governance, 1880s-<br />
1940s<br />
As the current vogue <strong>of</strong> the Enlightenment so forcefully reminds us, the modern<br />
“sciences <strong>of</strong> man and society” arose as part <strong>of</strong> a revolutionary epistemology<br />
that shifted the grounds <strong>of</strong> authority in policy making from “dead” tradition to<br />
active reason. In relation to feudal/monarchial states <strong>of</strong> the premodern past,<br />
the modal Enlightenment form <strong>of</strong> governance was, in fact if not in form, a<br />
republic, as Voltaire judged England to be, despite its monarchy, in light <strong>of</strong> the<br />
freedom <strong>of</strong> discourse there. Yet, within this Enlightenment frame <strong>of</strong> reference,<br />
the total and rapidly growing stock <strong>of</strong> social knowledge was taken as in some<br />
sense the possession and “voice” <strong>of</strong> civil society, to be intoned critically, in<br />
judgment <strong>of</strong> the actions <strong>of</strong> “rule” by a sovereignty <strong>of</strong> any type, even a virtuous<br />
republic. If the proper institutional settings for the rational, critical deliberations<br />
that judged the actions <strong>of</strong> states were voluntary associations <strong>of</strong> citizens in<br />
civil society, how would this expectation be altered when states, seeking<br />
improvement, competitive advantage, and a wider legitimacy, became<br />
increasingly dependent upon social knowledge and social science? How would<br />
the Enlightenment tradition <strong>of</strong> critical distance from power be maintained when<br />
states, and public <strong>of</strong>ficials in the rising numbers <strong>of</strong> statistical agencies, were<br />
increasingly the actual producers <strong>of</strong> social knowledge, and when governments<br />
drew upon and subsidized the development <strong>of</strong> social science expertise? How<br />
would expectations about this state/social knowledge relationship shift within<br />
the various social sciences, as various strands <strong>of</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essionalization and<br />
academicization proceeded from the late nineteenth century forward? Did a<br />
gendered access to work in social science (exclusively male in the universities<br />
a female preponderance in the social settlements and social welfare) produce