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2000 HSS/PSA Program 1 - History of Science Society

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<strong>HSS</strong> Abstracts<br />

out the distribution <strong>of</strong> fluctuations and looked to its graphical form for insight<br />

into the character <strong>of</strong> the process. In studies <strong>of</strong> color perception these same<br />

Viennese physicists insisted on the irreducible variability between observers.<br />

In rejecting the significance <strong>of</strong> averages and problematizing the notion<br />

experimental error, Schrödinger and his colleagues took an approach that might<br />

be termed “morphological.” The premise <strong>of</strong> their method seems to have<br />

mirrored Goethe’s axiom that there is no such thing as a “normal” member <strong>of</strong><br />

a species, or an “error <strong>of</strong> nature.”<br />

H<br />

S<br />

S<br />

Jamie␣ N. Cohen-Cole Princeton University<br />

The Cognitive Revolution<br />

and the Culture <strong>of</strong> Interdisciplinarity in Cold War America<br />

In the two decades following World War Two experimental psychology<br />

experienced the Cognitive Revolution. Early adherents <strong>of</strong> the cognitive<br />

perspective saw their work as a fundamentally interdisciplinary project. In<br />

fact, it was this interdisciplinarity which helped cognitively oriented<br />

psychologists overcome objections raised by behaviorists such as B. F. Skinner<br />

to the scientific study <strong>of</strong> mind. But, the advantage the cognitive perspective<br />

drew from its interdisciplinary stance did not rely only upon the specific ideas<br />

that psychologists could import from neighboring disciplines. Instead, a<br />

significant part <strong>of</strong> the benefit cognitive psychology derived from being<br />

interdisciplinary rested on the two features <strong>of</strong> the Cold War’s cultural climate.<br />

First, many attributed America’s technical success in WWII to the<br />

interdisciplinary nature <strong>of</strong> the war-related research programs—most notably<br />

that <strong>of</strong> the Manhattan Project. They further believed that this war-time<br />

experience demonstrated that the best way to conduct research would be on a<br />

similar interdisciplinary basis. Second, from the late 1940s through the 1960s,<br />

thought carried political and moral significance. For many in this period rational<br />

thinking and freedom <strong>of</strong> thought were seen as intimately related and as the<br />

foundations <strong>of</strong> democracy. At the same time, irrational, ideological, and<br />

totalitarian thinking (which were commonly equated one to the other) were<br />

seen as anti-democratic. If types <strong>of</strong> thinking could be characterized with<br />

political labels, the converse was also true—political positions were given<br />

mental characteristics. Within this understanding, a primary feature <strong>of</strong><br />

rationality was broad, synthetic thought. In the case <strong>of</strong> scientific research this<br />

meant the ability to escape methodologies bound by a single discipline. Within<br />

this charged context government <strong>of</strong>ficials, public intellectuals, science<br />

administrators, foundation <strong>of</strong>ficials, and cultural commentators would come<br />

to favor interdisciplinary research. And, as a consequence, research programs<br />

with a cognitive emphasis were able to garner external funding, despite the<br />

fact that a behaviorism opposed to cognitive perspectives held sway within<br />

the academy.<br />

67

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