2000 HSS/PSA Program 1 - History of Science Society
2000 HSS/PSA Program 1 - History of Science Society
2000 HSS/PSA Program 1 - History of Science Society
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<strong>PSA</strong> Abstracts<br />
theories, due to Arntzenius (1994) and Maudlin (1994). The main idea <strong>of</strong> both<br />
arguments is that if these theories were possible, causal loops would also be.<br />
But, it is argued, the consistency conditions <strong>of</strong> such loops would exclude the<br />
very possibility <strong>of</strong> these theories. I argue that Arntzenius and Maudlin s lines<br />
<strong>of</strong> reasoning fail because they rely on untenable assumptions about the nature<br />
<strong>of</strong> probabilities in causal loops.<br />
Michael Bishop Iowa State University<br />
J.␣ D. Trout Loyola University <strong>of</strong> Chicago<br />
50 Years <strong>of</strong> Successful Predictive Modeling Should be Enough:<br />
Lessons for Philosophy <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong><br />
This paper has two aims. The first is to describe a line <strong>of</strong> research that we believe<br />
philosophers have for too long ignored or not properly appreciated. The second<br />
is to extract some implications from this research for philosophy <strong>of</strong> science. In<br />
his classic 1954 book, Paul Meehl reported on 20 experiments in which human<br />
experts (clinical prediction) and actuarial formulas (a prediction is arrived at by<br />
a straightforward application <strong>of</strong> an equation to the data) made a prediction about<br />
a social phenomenon. Meehl found that in every non-ambiguous case, when<br />
both types <strong>of</strong> prediction were based on the same evidence, the actuarial predictions<br />
were more reliable. Since then, the evidence has expanded in three directions.<br />
First, every fair test since 1954 on a problem <strong>of</strong> social prediction has supported<br />
Meehl’s conclusion. Second, giving human experts the “advantage” <strong>of</strong> certain<br />
kinds <strong>of</strong> information (e.g., unstructured interviews) typically degrades their<br />
reliability, and so doesn’t help experts beat the formulas. And third, certain very<br />
simple, improper predictive models (models that are not constructed so as to<br />
best fit a large set <strong>of</strong> data) are also more reliable on problems <strong>of</strong> social predictions<br />
than human experts. (In fact, there is new and highly suggestive research in the<br />
area <strong>of</strong> “fast and frugal” heuristics indicating that in real world environments,<br />
there are extremely simple heuristics that consistently are about as reliable as<br />
computationally expensive, ideal models, such as multiple regression and<br />
Bayesian models.) The implications <strong>of</strong> these findings range from the concrete<br />
(how should we make predictions about whether a prisoner will commit violent<br />
crimes if paroled?) to the rarified (what is the nature <strong>of</strong> scientific rationality?).<br />
We will comment on three <strong>of</strong> the more rarified implications. Theories <strong>of</strong> scientific<br />
reasoning / rationality. A result <strong>of</strong> these findings is that for some problems <strong>of</strong><br />
scientific reasoning, the most reliable, tractable reasoning strategy available to a<br />
scientist will be pr<strong>of</strong>oundly counterintuitive, violating some deeply held<br />
principles <strong>of</strong> rational enquiry. Some views <strong>of</strong> how scientists ought to reason are<br />
incompatible with the contention that scientists ought to use improper predictive<br />
models. Explanation. One reason people seem to prefer clinical predictions to<br />
actuarial predictions is that the former seems to provide more satisfying<br />
explanations. But given the <strong>of</strong>ten limping narrative causal descriptions that pass<br />
P<br />
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