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2000 HSS/PSA Program 1 - History of Science Society

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<strong>HSS</strong> Abstracts<br />

from religious services for three days? Could it be the sin <strong>of</strong> having indulged<br />

in those foods—meat especially—that were normally prohibited? In my paper,<br />

I shall examine some <strong>of</strong> the dualities that characterize the time <strong>of</strong> bloodletting:<br />

how it was that this event was deemed medically necessary, while in some<br />

sense being emblematic <strong>of</strong> sin and how, if minuti had sinned, they also<br />

symbolized Christ, who (to use an image common at the time) had been<br />

phlebotomized on the cross to cure humanity <strong>of</strong> the sins <strong>of</strong> the five senses. I<br />

shall argue that the time <strong>of</strong> bloodletting is representative <strong>of</strong> broader debates<br />

about the place <strong>of</strong> physical medicine in Christianity, and that the compromises<br />

reached acknowledged the importance <strong>of</strong> medicine, while affirming the priority<br />

given to the religious life. Bloodletting itself was acknowledged to be a crucial<br />

part <strong>of</strong> maintaining health, but the times to bleed were dictated not by medical<br />

authority, but by the avoidance <strong>of</strong> disruption to monastic life. Thus, bleeding<br />

was forbidden not in extreme seasons or when the moon was waxing or even<br />

on Egyptian days, but near major feast days, or when where was a fast that<br />

could not be broken.<br />

184<br />

Richard Yeo Griffith University, Brisbane, Australia<br />

A Solution to the Multitude <strong>of</strong> Books:<br />

Ephraim Chambers’ Cyclopaedia (1728) as “the Best Book in the Universe”<br />

In making the audacious claim referred to in my title, Chambers was able<br />

to draw on an earlier intellectual and educational tradition—the Renaissance<br />

tradition <strong>of</strong> commonplaces and the practice <strong>of</strong> keeping commonplace books.<br />

He was also able to put this legacy to work in another context—the debates<br />

stimulated by the 1710 copyright Statute. This paper looks at two senses<br />

in which Chambers regarded and promoted his Cyclopaedia (2 vols, 1728):<br />

1) as a scientific dictionary that promised to replace other books, condensing<br />

knowledge <strong>of</strong> the arts and sciences into two large folio volumes 2) as a<br />

work conceived as having a structure or design, planned by an author.<br />

Chambers faced contemporary anxieties about the explosion <strong>of</strong> books and<br />

new scientific discoveries by asserting that knowledge had to be reduced<br />

to essentials and collated in an accessible work. In stressing that this could<br />

be achieved in an alphabetical dictionary without losing a grasp <strong>of</strong> the<br />

circle <strong>of</strong> sciences and the integrity <strong>of</strong> individual subjects, he depended on<br />

an analogy with a commonplace book arranged under Heads. At the same<br />

time, this analogy reinforced his contention that dictionary makers were<br />

absolved <strong>of</strong> the charge <strong>of</strong> plagiarism because they collected knowledge<br />

from a range <strong>of</strong> sources as a public service. Moreover, by affirming that<br />

his work betrayed scholarly abridgement and conceptual design—again<br />

with allusions to the commonplace tradition—he defended it as one worthy<br />

<strong>of</strong> a copyright in a period in which the meaning <strong>of</strong> intellectual property<br />

was being fiercely contested.

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