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2000 HSS/PSA Program 1 - History of Science Society

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<strong>HSS</strong> Abstracts<br />

to define some topics and problems that subvert or cut across disciplinary divides,<br />

and that point to shared aspects <strong>of</strong> their cultural and intellectual identities. One <strong>of</strong><br />

these is the use <strong>of</strong> quantification, which has been a lively topic within history <strong>of</strong><br />

science in recent decades. Another is the practices and discourses <strong>of</strong> laboratories and<br />

interventions. I would gather both <strong>of</strong> these issues under a large rubric, the rival forms<br />

<strong>of</strong> experience in nineteenth-century social science. Should experience be direct or<br />

vicarious, broadly interpretive or reduced to forms and tables, gathered up<br />

individualistically or bureaucratically, ethnographic or statistical? What social<br />

backgrounds and educations provided preparation and standing to study social science<br />

in these various ways? A second large issue is the relation <strong>of</strong> social to natural science.<br />

It would be a mistake to suppose that this was entirely or even mainly a relationship<br />

<strong>of</strong> one-way dependence, though it was common already in the late eighteenth century<br />

to represent it this way. The choice <strong>of</strong> natural-scientific models was <strong>of</strong> course an<br />

important one: botany, morphology, and mathematical physics had very different<br />

implications for social understanding. To this we should add that in no case were the<br />

implications self-evident. One <strong>of</strong> the main tasks <strong>of</strong> philosophy <strong>of</strong> science throughout<br />

this period was to clarify that relationship. Finally, I will emphasize that social science<br />

represented not only an ideal <strong>of</strong> knowledge, but also <strong>of</strong> management and reform.<br />

That has remained true into the more contemporary period, but is unmistakable for<br />

the earlier one. Again, this points us not to a monolithic explanation, but to a set <strong>of</strong><br />

alternatives. Among the most important was the choice between social science as a<br />

contributor to a broader public discussion—social science in the public sphere—<br />

and a more recondite social science aimed mainly at expert bureaucracies. The politics,<br />

moreover, was very much contested, in relation to class, gender, political affiliations,<br />

and geographic situations.<br />

142<br />

Patricia␣ M. Princehouse Harvard University<br />

Mutant Phoenix: Macroevolution from Germany to the U.S.<br />

Julian Huxley declared that the Modern Synthesis was Darwinism “risen from<br />

the ashes <strong>of</strong> the pyre like a mutated phoenix” thanks to those following the<br />

“true-blue Darwinian stream.” Huxley and other Modern Synthesis writers<br />

were actively constructing an ontological essence for Darwinism. This<br />

rhetorical move succeeded in privileging a set <strong>of</strong> rules that largely excluded<br />

many <strong>of</strong> the instrumental and methodological traditions in which evolutionists<br />

<strong>of</strong> the time were invested, even though they were all working within the same<br />

basic paradigm. But the Modern Synthesis program was not the only possible<br />

incarnation <strong>of</strong> the mythical synthesis animal. Due to the dislocations <strong>of</strong> the<br />

war, and institutional structure <strong>of</strong> their science departments, German<br />

paleontologists, most notably Otto Heinrich Schindewolf, constructed an<br />

alternative synthesis, derived in part from Goldschmidt’s field studies and lab<br />

genetics. This was much more synthetic and holistic than the Anglo-American<br />

Modern Synthesis, significantly incorporating data and approaches from

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