2000 HSS/PSA Program 1 - History of Science Society
2000 HSS/PSA Program 1 - History of Science Society
2000 HSS/PSA Program 1 - History of Science Society
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<strong>HSS</strong> Abstracts<br />
Bruce␣ J. Hunt University <strong>of</strong> Texas at Austin<br />
Teaching the <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> the Atomic Bomb<br />
For the past 15 years, I have taught a course at the University <strong>of</strong> Texas on<br />
“The <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> the Atomic Bomb.” It focuses tightly on events from the<br />
discovery <strong>of</strong> fission in 1938 to the Oppenheimer security hearings in 1954,<br />
and combines a detailed examination <strong>of</strong> the scientific and technical issues<br />
involved with extensive treatment <strong>of</strong> the social and political context. The<br />
students are required to write papers analyzing and evaluating the American<br />
decision to drop atomic bombs on Japanese cities, and for the purposes <strong>of</strong> this<br />
session, I will focus on how I handle this always controversial subject. I will<br />
also discuss how I use the mid-1990s controversy over the Smithsonian’s<br />
planned “Enola Gay” exhibit to bring out the continued resonance <strong>of</strong> the story<br />
<strong>of</strong> the atomic bomb, and to raise broader questions about how history gets<br />
written, rewritten, used, and understood.<br />
100<br />
Sarah␣ E. Igo Princeton University<br />
Arguing with Gallup: Popular Challenges to ‘Scientific’ Polling, 1936-1948<br />
In a 1949 article in the Public Opinion Quarterly, two social scientists referred<br />
to the “traumatic November episode” casting a pall over their field. To anyone<br />
in the business <strong>of</strong> measuring attitudes, the reference was immediately clear: the<br />
spectacular failure <strong>of</strong> opinion polls to predict the outcome <strong>of</strong> the 1948 presidential<br />
election. The article went on to discuss the crucial importance <strong>of</strong> polling‚s public<br />
image. The “widespread, relatively prolonged, and intense” adverse public<br />
reaction to the inaccurate forecasts, the authors feared, would not only undermine<br />
popular acceptance <strong>of</strong> opinion research but might also “radiate” out to “the more<br />
remote field <strong>of</strong> social science” as a whole. This was especially true if the lesson<br />
the public had learned was “the intrinsic unpredictability <strong>of</strong> human behavior.”<br />
The authors <strong>of</strong> this article, like many <strong>of</strong> their colleagues, worried about the<br />
status <strong>of</strong> their relatively new field <strong>of</strong> inquiry. Certain that the only way to acquire<br />
legitimacy was through approximating the rhetoric <strong>of</strong> the hard sciences, but<br />
frustrated by their own dependence on variable human subjects, pollsters worked<br />
constantly to shore up public confidence in their methods and findings. George<br />
Gallup’s claims for “scientific” polling provide a case in point. In his promotional<br />
rhetoric, polls were a scientifically-perfectible means for uncovering aggregate<br />
national opinion. Even in the years before 1948, however, this characterization<br />
did not go uncontested. Popular audiences were fascinated by but also suspicious<br />
<strong>of</strong> “scientific” techniques <strong>of</strong> opinion-gathering: the intrusiveness <strong>of</strong> the doorstep<br />
interview, the privileging <strong>of</strong> quantitative over qualitative data, the possibility <strong>of</strong><br />
public manipulation, and the vision <strong>of</strong> a systematic science <strong>of</strong> human attitudes.<br />
Drawing upon Gallup’s published works and private papers as well as