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Listing of Sessions and Abstracts of Papers - History of Science ...

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quarter <strong>of</strong> the twentieth century, away from the classic hierarchical structure <strong>of</strong> the vertically integrated<br />

firm to a flexible, non-hierarchical structure that responds to mobility <strong>and</strong> flux. They also suggest a<br />

reaction against technoscientific rationalism in their lingo <strong>of</strong> enabling, nurturing, <strong>and</strong> partnering. The<br />

theoretical interest taken by scientists <strong>and</strong> engineers in management techniques is itself an interesting<br />

phenomenon: one does not expect to find clippings from Fortune <strong>and</strong> the Harvard Business Review in<br />

the reading files <strong>of</strong> scientists. Instead <strong>of</strong> taking scientific approaches <strong>and</strong> applying them to management,<br />

as in the Taylorism <strong>of</strong> the 1920s or the systems engineering <strong>of</strong> the 1950s <strong>and</strong> 1960s, JPL took industrial<br />

techniques <strong>and</strong> applied them to science <strong>and</strong> technology. But techniques for managing manufacturing<br />

processes proved difficult to transfer to a research environment <strong>and</strong> despite a quantitative side that<br />

emphasized measurable "metrics," their holistic vocabulary encountered resistance among hard-headed<br />

technical staff in the laboratory.<br />

Williams, Elizabeth<br />

E-mail Address: williea@Okstate.edu<br />

The "Newtonian" Defense <strong>of</strong> Medical Vitalism in Eighteenth-Century France<br />

It is a commonplace <strong>of</strong> medical history that vitalism re-emerged in the mid-eighteenth century to<br />

contest iatromechanist doctrines that had come to dominate medical theory in Europe. The precise<br />

character <strong>of</strong> the iatromechanism challenged by vitalists has, however, been little explored <strong>and</strong> has <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

been characterized simply as a blend <strong>of</strong> Cartesian <strong>and</strong> Newtonian elements. It has therefore been commonly<br />

assumed that medical vitalists deplored all mechanist theorists, including Newton. This paper<br />

seeks to modify this view by focusing on the uses to which the label "Newtonian" was put by vitalist<br />

theorists <strong>of</strong> the Montpellier school. At mid-century, in the work <strong>of</strong> Theophile de Bordeu <strong>and</strong> his close<br />

associate, the physician <strong>and</strong> chemist G.F. Venel, hostility to Newton was, indeed, an important feature <strong>of</strong><br />

vitalist thinking. But by the 1770s, the principal st<strong>and</strong>ard-bearer <strong>of</strong> Montpellier vitalism, Paul-Joseph<br />

Barthez, invoked Newton's name to defend his own use <strong>of</strong> a concept <strong>of</strong> vital "force" that mechanistminded<br />

critics denigrated as "occult." Praising Newton, Barthez <strong>and</strong> his disciples sought to associate<br />

their own approach with his by arguing that the effects <strong>of</strong> vital force could be demonstrated even it its<br />

ultimate nature could not be defined. Yet in this vitalist use <strong>of</strong> "Newtonianism," no mention was made<br />

<strong>of</strong> the centrality <strong>of</strong> mathematical demonstration to Newton or <strong>of</strong> the vitalists' own skepticism about the<br />

potential <strong>and</strong> utility <strong>of</strong> mathematics in the science <strong>of</strong> life. This paper will argue that Barthezian-style<br />

"Newtonianism" constituted protective coloring, a rhetorical strategy intended to associate vitalism with<br />

the mainstream movement <strong>of</strong> inductive science while claiming Newton himself as an ally in the struggle<br />

against the theoretical "excesses" <strong>of</strong> medical mechanists.<br />

Wisnioski, Matthew<br />

E-mail Address: mwisnios@princeton.edu<br />

Playing Games: Chess, Automata, <strong>and</strong> Artificial Intelligence<br />

Chess has been described as the drosophilae <strong>of</strong> artificial intelligence (AI). Indeed, for the past fifty<br />

years almost every public headline about AI has referred to a machine's ability to play chess, a trend that<br />

culminated spectacularly in the 1997 Kasparov vs. Deep Blue challenge. Yet, I contend, aside from its<br />

initial incorporation into the study <strong>of</strong> intelligent machines in the late 1940s, chess has played a minimal<br />

role in the AI research program. How, then, do we explain the seemingly disparate focus on chess inside<br />

<strong>and</strong> outside <strong>of</strong> the AI community? I attempt to answer this question by investigating how <strong>and</strong> why chess<br />

came to be associated with AI, <strong>and</strong> how that perception has persisted in popular culture. I do so by<br />

examining technical literature on chess <strong>and</strong> computers, popular science magazines <strong>and</strong> books, science<br />

fiction, <strong>and</strong> cultural artifacts. I also address the long cultural traditions <strong>of</strong> chess <strong>and</strong> automata. The<br />

questions I pose include the following: Why is the ability to play chess considered to be indicative <strong>of</strong>

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