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Listing of Sessions and Abstracts of Papers - History of Science ...

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ences <strong>and</strong> the humanities. Originally a part <strong>of</strong> philosophy, psychology developed through the works <strong>of</strong><br />

physiologically oriented scientists like Gustav Theodor Fechner, Wilhelm Wundt <strong>and</strong> Hermann<br />

Ebbinghaus. As a result, scientific disputes about results <strong>and</strong> methods as well as academic battles concerning<br />

funding, staff <strong>and</strong> appointments <strong>of</strong> chairs in philosophy to experimental psychologists involved<br />

fundamental controversies about the nature <strong>of</strong> psychology, its relation to the sciences, <strong>and</strong> the significance<br />

<strong>of</strong> experimental research for philosophy. The paper illustrates this with regard to the dispute<br />

between Carl Stumpf (1848-1936) <strong>and</strong> Wilhelm Wundt (1832-1920) in 1890-1892. At first, the dispute<br />

centered on the perception <strong>of</strong> tonal distances <strong>and</strong> the conclusion Wundt draw from experimental data<br />

gathered by his pupil Carl Lorenz. But the opponents quickly turned to personal invectives, accusing<br />

each other <strong>of</strong> not behaving <strong>and</strong> arguing in a proper scientific manner. Historian <strong>of</strong> psychology Edwin<br />

Boring suggested that this was simply an expression <strong>of</strong> both "giants’" passionate devotion to their<br />

science. In contrast, I argue that the dispute between Stumpf <strong>and</strong> Wundt emerged primarily from opposing<br />

views about the nature <strong>of</strong> psychology <strong>and</strong> its relation to the sciences. To expose the fundamental<br />

disagreements underlying the dispute, I analyze the opponents’ technical arguments concerning the<br />

experimental results from the Leipzig laboratory. I show that the controversy concerned not only different<br />

interpretations <strong>of</strong> the same facts but also the very conditions <strong>of</strong> interpreting them <strong>and</strong> especially the<br />

observer’s role in experiment.<br />

Eshet, Dan<br />

E-mail Address: deshet@worldnet.att.net<br />

<strong>Science</strong> <strong>and</strong> Persecution: Joseph Priestley (1733-1804), the Dissenters <strong>and</strong> Anglican Newtonianism<br />

in Late Eighteenth-Century Engl<strong>and</strong><br />

In 1794 Joseph Priestley (1733-1804) decided to leave Engl<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> emigrate to America. In his<br />

farewell sermon he explained his actions <strong>and</strong> argued that the t odium that [the dissenters] have incurred<br />

into o the how little politics <strong>of</strong> any kind have been my object.And yet, even he was forced to acknowledge<br />

that his avowed advocacy <strong>of</strong> ed him not only to write in defense <strong>of</strong> the most explosive issues <strong>of</strong> his<br />

time (i.e., the American colonies <strong>and</strong> the French Revolution), but also to attack the very foundation <strong>of</strong><br />

Anglicanism. Moreover, Priestley’s criticism <strong>of</strong> the doctrine <strong>of</strong> the duality <strong>of</strong> humans, in which he<br />

suggested that the human spirit was but a result <strong>of</strong> some form <strong>of</strong> organized matter, hit a most painful<br />

issue in the mind <strong>of</strong> many Britons, namely the prospects <strong>of</strong> afterlife. Based on his scientific inquiries<br />

into the properties <strong>of</strong> light <strong>and</strong> other forms <strong>of</strong> matter, this position brought Priestley’s career to a halt<br />

among scientists who previously supported him <strong>and</strong> among the clergy. Indeed, when finally a use in<br />

1789, they took care to destroy his laboratory <strong>and</strong> scientific papers as well. As Priestley explained,<br />

plication to which gave some degree <strong>of</strong> weight to my labours in another field.d science <strong>of</strong> Priestley has<br />

focused on his education <strong>and</strong> his scientific background, while the social <strong>and</strong> religious struggles, which<br />

conditioned the trajectories <strong>of</strong> Priestley’s personal <strong>and</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essional career, have received scant attention.<br />

This historiographical bias has emerged out <strong>of</strong> the premise that the primary sources <strong>of</strong> new scientific<br />

ideas lie within the disciplinary boundaries <strong>and</strong> the discursive practices <strong>of</strong> scientists, even though it is<br />

hard to argue that such boundaries were easily defined in late eighteenth-century Engl<strong>and</strong>. I argue that<br />

while the scientific background is important, a close examination <strong>of</strong> Priestley’s scientific work can<br />

provide insight into how science was conducted in the social (<strong>and</strong> geographic) periphery. His science<br />

therefore must also be seen through its connection to the persecution <strong>of</strong> nonconformists in Engl<strong>and</strong>. My<br />

paper concentrates on Priestley’s familial background <strong>and</strong> on his involvement in the struggles <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Rational Dissenters as integral elements in the underst<strong>and</strong>ing <strong>of</strong> his innovative scientific endeavors. I<br />

suggest that his interest in the fate <strong>of</strong> his fellow dissenters drove him to reevaluate the accepted premises<br />

<strong>of</strong> Anglican Newtonianism. As a result <strong>of</strong> this reevaluation, Priestley revived the materialist psychology<br />

<strong>of</strong> David Hartley (1705-1757) <strong>and</strong> developed a corpuscular optics. These studies eventually paid <strong>of</strong>f.

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