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Abstracts of the History of Science Society 2004 Austin Meeting 18 ...

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Oppenheimer stood at <strong>the</strong> intersection between federal demands upon militarized scientific research and <strong>the</strong> traditional ideals <strong>of</strong> enlightened<br />

science. This paper will explore <strong>the</strong> institutional and policy structure <strong>of</strong> cold war physics, Oppenheimer’s strategies as <strong>the</strong> nation’s<br />

leading science advisor for negotiating his vision <strong>of</strong> science and <strong>the</strong> state, how those strategies ultimately failed, and some striking parallels<br />

today as science advising experiences a similar crisis.<br />

Frederick Churchill, Indiana University, (churchil@indiana.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM – Texas Ballroom III<br />

The Biogenetic Law and its Paradoxes<br />

Common wisedom has held that Ernst Haeckel’s Fundamental Biogenetic Law reigned as part <strong>of</strong> a Darwinian-morphological paradigm,<br />

despite some scathing contemporary objections, until <strong>the</strong> first decades <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twentieth century. By <strong>the</strong>n, as traditional accounts continue,<br />

experimental embryology, Mendelian genetics and <strong>the</strong> weight <strong>of</strong> Haeckel’s own illogical pronouncements brought <strong>the</strong> paradigm to<br />

a ra<strong>the</strong>r abrupt end and replaced it with an early Twentieth Century outlook where experimentation, classical genetics, physiology and/or<br />

different pr<strong>of</strong>essional standards ruled. This explanation in terms <strong>of</strong> an historical “discontinuity” presents definite problems, which will<br />

be explored and perhaps explained (in part).<br />

Deborah Coen, Harvard University (coen@fas.harvard.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM – Texas Ballroom V<br />

Beyond Public and Private: <strong>Science</strong> and Liberalism in Imperial Austria<br />

Both historians <strong>of</strong> science and political historians have traditionally drawn a sharp division between <strong>the</strong> “public” and <strong>the</strong> “private.”<br />

According to traditional political histories <strong>of</strong> Central Europe, civic consciousness and rational discourse took root exclusively in <strong>the</strong> public<br />

sphere, <strong>the</strong> first through <strong>the</strong> rise <strong>of</strong> voluntary associations, <strong>the</strong> second through <strong>the</strong> spread <strong>of</strong> natural science. <strong>Science</strong> thus appears<br />

as a quintessentially public activity, from which private concerns were at best distractions. Indeed, in <strong>the</strong> historiography particularly <strong>of</strong><br />

Vienna circa 1900, <strong>the</strong> home typically appears as <strong>the</strong> inversion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> public sphere: <strong>the</strong> anti<strong>the</strong>sis <strong>of</strong> a voluntary association, an escape<br />

from political engagement, a realm <strong>of</strong> interiority and irrational emotions. Recently, however, Central European historians have begun to<br />

challenge this dichotomy, demonstrating that middle class homes were crucial sites for liberal self-fashioning and <strong>the</strong> negotiation <strong>of</strong><br />

political and economic power. The political and scientific significance <strong>of</strong> family life emerges clearly from my research on <strong>the</strong> most<br />

prominent family <strong>of</strong> scientists in imperial Vienna, <strong>the</strong> Exners. For <strong>the</strong> Exners and o<strong>the</strong>rs in <strong>the</strong>ir social network, <strong>the</strong> cultivation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

domestic sphere was itself a political activity. Through an experiment in living communally as an extended family, <strong>the</strong> Exners sought<br />

solutions to <strong>the</strong> central dilemma <strong>of</strong> Austrian liberalism: how to guard against <strong>the</strong> dogmatic absolutism <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir clerical opponents without<br />

giving up ground to <strong>the</strong> radical relativism <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir left-wing challengers.<br />

Jamie Cohen-Cole, University <strong>of</strong> Chicago (jamiecc@uchicago.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM – Texas Ballroom V<br />

Experimental Psychology and <strong>the</strong> Pr<strong>of</strong>essional Politics <strong>of</strong> Thinking About Thinking<br />

In <strong>the</strong> mid 20th century experimental psychology experienced a revolution in its model <strong>of</strong> human nature as cognitive science replaced<br />

behaviorism. This transition involved understanding people as active, creatively thinking beings, ra<strong>the</strong>r than as organisms that simply<br />

respond to environmental conditions. Philosophy <strong>of</strong> science was at <strong>the</strong> center <strong>of</strong> this transformation. Behaviorists held to a positivist<br />

line, and argued that science was a matter <strong>of</strong> recording and accounting for observable phenomena. They, as a consequence, left little<br />

space for consideration <strong>of</strong> such unobservable phenomena as mental processes. On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, cognitive scientists followed an antipositivist<br />

philosophy. They argued that science was and should be not primarily an empirical process. To early cognitive scientist,s science<br />

was <strong>the</strong>ory-driven even to <strong>the</strong> point that <strong>the</strong>ory determined and structured data. In arguing this anti-positivist philosophy, cognitive<br />

scientists made room for <strong>the</strong>ir own <strong>the</strong>ories and inferences about <strong>the</strong> human mind. Even more significant however is that cognitive<br />

scientists ascribed such anti-positivism not only to <strong>the</strong>mselves, but also to humans more generally. In <strong>the</strong> process, <strong>the</strong> normative<br />

philosophy <strong>of</strong> science (or “good academic thinking”) that cognitive scientists use to reshape <strong>the</strong> discipline <strong>of</strong> psychology became, at <strong>the</strong><br />

same time, <strong>the</strong> descriptive (and nominally value free) model <strong>of</strong> human nature.<br />

Alix Cooper, SUNY-Stony Brook (acooper@notes.cc.sunysb.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM – Texas Ballroom V<br />

The Nature <strong>of</strong> Home: Work, Gender, and Power in Early Modern Natural <strong>History</strong><br />

In early modern Europe, <strong>the</strong> pursuit <strong>of</strong> natural knowledge was, in great part, a family enterprise. In <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> researching women’s<br />

contributions to science, and more broadly issues <strong>of</strong> gender in science, historians <strong>of</strong> science have begun, over <strong>the</strong> past several decades,<br />

to uncover <strong>the</strong> numerous ways in which <strong>the</strong> actual practice <strong>of</strong> science in fields ranging from astronomy to botany depended on women’s<br />

unpaid (and <strong>of</strong>ten unrecognized) labor. As scholars like Londa Schiebinger have shown, wives and daughters frequently made <strong>the</strong> observations<br />

or performed <strong>the</strong> calculations required to sustain <strong>the</strong>ir male relatives’ scientific projects. What I propose to do in my paper is<br />

to apply <strong>the</strong>se insights more generally to <strong>the</strong> early modern family as a whole. In particular, I would like to explore <strong>the</strong> ways in which,<br />

within <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> natural history, research projects came to become <strong>the</strong> collective responsibility <strong>of</strong> entire households across generations&#8212;i.e.<br />

involving not only wives or daughters, but also sons, for example, as <strong>the</strong>y attempted to complete <strong>the</strong>ir fa<strong>the</strong>rs’ projects,<br />

and to make complex decisions about <strong>the</strong> division <strong>of</strong> scientific labor and <strong>the</strong> credit for that labor. Drawing on my research into<br />

cases such as that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Breyne family <strong>of</strong> late-seventeenth- and early-eighteenth-century Danzig, whose natural-historical observations

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