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Abstracts of the History of Science Society 2004 Austin Meeting 18 ...

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Schottky at Siemens & Hauske in Berlin argued that <strong>the</strong> discrete nature <strong>of</strong> electrons results in disruptive fluctuations”shot noise”at tube<br />

current. In 1925, John B. Johnson and Harry Nyquist at <strong>the</strong> Bell Telephone Laboratories also suggested that <strong>the</strong> current passing a resistor<br />

exhibits fluctuations “<strong>the</strong>rmal noise”-due to electrons’ random <strong>the</strong>rmal motions, and tube noise is largely <strong>the</strong>rmal noise <strong>of</strong> tube’s<br />

input resistance. Based on statistical-mechanical reasoning, <strong>the</strong> shot-noise and <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>rmal-noise <strong>the</strong>ories predicted relationships<br />

between noise intensity and fundamental constants such as electron’s charge or Boltzmann’s constant, which became <strong>the</strong> objects <strong>of</strong><br />

experimental verification. General Electric researchers Albert Hull and N. W. Williams’s determination <strong>of</strong> charge <strong>of</strong> electron from measuring<br />

shot noise and Johnson’s determination <strong>of</strong> Boltzmann’s constant from measuring <strong>the</strong>rmal noise <strong>of</strong>fered major empirical evidence<br />

for noise’s physical <strong>the</strong>ories. By <strong>the</strong> 1930s, radio engineers used such <strong>the</strong>ories to reduce and to characterize vacuum tubes’ noise levels,<br />

and to predict <strong>the</strong> ultimate limit <strong>of</strong> electronic devices’ performances. The statistical treatments <strong>of</strong> noise in <strong>the</strong>se endeavors would lead<br />

to Claude Shannon’s information <strong>the</strong>ory in <strong>the</strong> 1940s that revolutionized modern communication technology. The history <strong>of</strong> noise<br />

<strong>the</strong>refore sheds light on how modern science and engineering extract useful information from uncertainties and disturbances while controlling<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir detrimental effects.<br />

Charles N Yood, Lyman Briggs School <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong>, Michigan State University (cny1@psu.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country C<br />

Building Big Iron: Applied Ma<strong>the</strong>matics, “Hybrid Areas”<br />

and <strong>the</strong> Social Organization <strong>of</strong> Computational <strong>Science</strong> at Argonne National Laboratory, 1949-1970<br />

From 1949-1970, <strong>the</strong> work and organization <strong>of</strong> Argonne’s Applied Ma<strong>the</strong>matics Division contributed significantly to <strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong><br />

“computational science” in <strong>the</strong> late 1980s as a distinct methodological approach to <strong>the</strong> investigation <strong>of</strong> physical and biological phenomena<br />

(alongside <strong>the</strong>ory and experiment). While <strong>the</strong> advancement <strong>of</strong> digital computer technology is a significant part <strong>of</strong> this story, possibly<br />

more important was <strong>the</strong> AMD’s efforts to integrate computers and <strong>the</strong>ir attendant personnel into <strong>the</strong> scientific process. Early on,<br />

<strong>the</strong> directors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> AMD envisioned a new role for applied ma<strong>the</strong>maticians vis-à-vis scientists and engineers in <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong><br />

ma<strong>the</strong>matical models suitable for digital computers. In particular, <strong>the</strong> pursuit <strong>of</strong> “computational science” required that applied ma<strong>the</strong>maticians<br />

be incorporated more directly in all stages <strong>of</strong> science and engineering practices from problem formulation to <strong>the</strong> definition<br />

<strong>of</strong> what constituted a solution. Arguments in favor <strong>of</strong> such a collaborative structure drew on Cold War rhetoric, debates within <strong>the</strong><br />

ma<strong>the</strong>matical pr<strong>of</strong>ession, and issues surrounding <strong>the</strong> increasing quantification <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sciences. While computers (and <strong>the</strong> need for<br />

sophisticated, yet efficient ma<strong>the</strong>matical models) allowed applied ma<strong>the</strong>maticians to contend for such a position, it was also necessary<br />

for applied ma<strong>the</strong>maticians to stake out a new research agenda that balanced <strong>the</strong>ir service requirement to scientists and engineers with<br />

<strong>the</strong> necessity to conduct research in <strong>the</strong> foundations <strong>of</strong> ma<strong>the</strong>matics.<br />

Chris Young, Alverno College (chris.young@alverno.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom VII<br />

Status and Agenda in Wildlife Preservation: William T. Hornaday as Zoologist and Activist<br />

William T. Hornaday led wildlife conservation efforts in <strong>the</strong> late 19th century. His training in zoology provided a basis for setting national<br />

agendas at a time when conservation was only an emerging concern. Being in <strong>the</strong> mainstream <strong>of</strong> biological science a <strong>the</strong> turn <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

century and particularly having interests in conservation <strong>of</strong> wildlife, Hornaday also demonstrated consistent support for eugenic notions<br />

<strong>of</strong> human groups and <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> preserving favored groups over o<strong>the</strong>rs. The consistency <strong>of</strong> this agenda raises challenging questions<br />

about broader connections between conservation <strong>of</strong> wildlife and eugenics, which historians <strong>of</strong> science have only begun to explore.<br />

In this paper, I am especially interested in how Hornaday’s status as a leader in conservation provided greater status to his eugenic views,<br />

whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> reverse association was more significant, or whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> connection can even be demonstrated as significant to ei<strong>the</strong>r<br />

approach. Finally, I am exploring what legacy <strong>of</strong> eugenics, if any, carries forward in conservation efforts to <strong>the</strong> middle <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twentieth<br />

century, by which time Aldo Leopold ranked as a leading voice.<br />

Jeris Stueland Yruma, Princeton University (stueland@princeton.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country D<br />

How Experiments are Remembered: Discovery, Discipline, and <strong>the</strong> Birth <strong>of</strong> Fission<br />

The story <strong>of</strong> fission begins with facts: in December <strong>of</strong> 1938, in Berlin, Otto Hahn and Fritz Strassmann demonstrated chemically that<br />

some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> uranium atoms <strong>the</strong>y had bombarded with neutrons had split into various elements, including barium. Hahn and<br />

Strassmann’s colleague, Lise Meitnerin Sweden having recently fled Nazi Germany and her nephew Otto Frisch <strong>the</strong>n <strong>of</strong>fered a physical<br />

explanation for <strong>the</strong> process and Frisch christened it “nuclear fission.” From here, though, <strong>the</strong> story is contested. Otto Hahn alone was<br />

awarded <strong>the</strong> Nobel Prize for <strong>the</strong> discovery. He would later argue that until her flight, Lise Meitner’s physical mindset had prevented him<br />

from realizing that fission was taking place in <strong>the</strong>ir experiments. Historians in turn have argued <strong>the</strong> presentation <strong>of</strong> fission as a chemical<br />

discovery facilitated physicist Meitner’s being written out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> story. An examination <strong>of</strong> newspaper and journal articles on fission,<br />

however, suggests that <strong>the</strong> presentation <strong>of</strong> fission as a chemical discovery necessitates <strong>the</strong> presentation <strong>of</strong> its physical explanation as<br />

well. When Hahn is called a “chemist,” Meitner as physicist is mentioned. When Hahn is termed a “scientist,” he, or he and Strassmann<br />

alone are discussed.

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