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Abstracts of the History of Science Society 2004 Austin Meeting 18 ...

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appropriate ways to treat people. Fueled by a desire to make psychology appear more pr<strong>of</strong>essional and by a preference to self-regulate,<br />

members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> American Psychological Association (APA) created <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>ession’s first code <strong>of</strong> ethics through <strong>the</strong> early 1950s, with<br />

two distinctive features: a lack <strong>of</strong> concern with <strong>the</strong> ethical treatment <strong>of</strong> human subjects, and a decision to create <strong>the</strong> code inductively,<br />

building <strong>the</strong> moral guide around a survey <strong>of</strong> member psychologists. By <strong>the</strong> mid-1960s, however, popular backlash and congressional<br />

hearings directed at <strong>the</strong> discipline spurred a revision <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essional code, again using <strong>the</strong> inductive model, this time specifically<br />

aimed at delimiting <strong>the</strong> proper treatment <strong>of</strong> research subjects. Receiving thousands <strong>of</strong> survey responses attesting to <strong>the</strong> questionable<br />

treatment <strong>of</strong> human subjects by <strong>the</strong>ir colleagues, leaders <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> APA wrote a narrow and detailed new version <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> code. Yet this new<br />

version would be reworked countless times over three years because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> outcry, particularly from experimental social psychologists,<br />

claiming that research would be impossible under such ethical restrictions. Eventually, some research practices, such as debriefing, were<br />

deemed virtuous by <strong>the</strong> APA, rendering morally acceptable some practices, such as deception, that were fraught and yet necessary for<br />

experimental research.<br />

David Steffes, University <strong>of</strong> Oklahoma (David.M.Steffes-1@ou.edu)<br />

Thursday, <strong>18</strong>-Nov-04, 5:00 - 7:00 PM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

Causal Connections, Nature’s Game and Organismal Perspective:<br />

The Role <strong>of</strong> Chance in Sewall Wright’s “Balanced” Evolutionary Theory<br />

The extraordinary career <strong>of</strong> American geneticist Sewall Wright unites three prominent areas in <strong>the</strong> history and philosophy <strong>of</strong> science:<br />

statistics, evolutionary biology, and philosophy <strong>of</strong> biology. Unfortunately, discipline-bounded scholarly discussions have treated <strong>the</strong>se<br />

facets <strong>of</strong> Wright’s science as if <strong>the</strong>y were independent <strong>of</strong> one ano<strong>the</strong>r. In this paper I seek to link <strong>the</strong>se aspects <strong>of</strong> Wright’s work and<br />

so to provide a more complete picture <strong>of</strong> his science. I will do so by focusing on one <strong>of</strong> modern science’s hallmark concepts: chance.<br />

A persistent preoccupation with causal interrelationships pervaded Wright’s multifarious accomplishments, such as path analysis in statistics,<br />

<strong>the</strong> “shifting-balance” <strong>the</strong>ory in evolutionary biology, and organicism in philosophy. In his view, <strong>the</strong> prerequisite for an understanding<br />

causal systems (whe<strong>the</strong>r in statistics, biology, or philosophy) was an appreciation for nature’s game. For Wright, <strong>the</strong> statistical<br />

study <strong>of</strong> causal links yielded a bold indeterminism not easily appropriated within <strong>the</strong> biology <strong>of</strong> his time. Consequently, Wright’s perspective<br />

on life’s processes diverged from that <strong>of</strong> his “neo-Darwinian” peers, most notably from R.A. Fisher’s analysis <strong>of</strong> causal interrelations.<br />

Ironically, Wright’s views—<strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> chance mechanisms at sublevels, <strong>the</strong> hierarchical order <strong>of</strong> nature, and <strong>the</strong> central<br />

role <strong>of</strong> equilibrium conditions in driving change—more closely resembled today’s perspective on life than did those <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> vanguard<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> evolutionary syn<strong>the</strong>sis.<br />

Mary Terrall, University <strong>of</strong> Califorina, Los Angeles (terrall@history.ucla.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Réaumur’s Networks <strong>of</strong> Knowledge and Practice<br />

By virtue <strong>of</strong> his enmity with Buffon, Réaumur has been largely shunted aside in <strong>the</strong> historiography <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>18</strong>th-century life sciences, but<br />

his prolific work arguably set <strong>the</strong> standard for observational natural history. It deserves careful examination for what it can tell us about<br />

<strong>the</strong> practice <strong>of</strong> natural history, and for unexpected connections between mundane work with e.g. chicken breeding and <strong>the</strong> most hotly<br />

contested <strong>the</strong>oretical questions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> day. Réaumur made a practice <strong>of</strong> avoiding grand <strong>the</strong>orizing or speculation while coordinating a<br />

global network <strong>of</strong> correspondents who fed his prolific appetite for curious phenomena and previously unknown organisms. His books<br />

on insects and chickens sparked enormous interest in observation, collecting and experiment among his readers, on a spectrum that<br />

included provincial intendants, colonial physicians, noblewomen with time on <strong>the</strong>ir hands, clerics, and small landowners. They also<br />

inspired extensive research programs in young people who subsequently made natural history <strong>the</strong>ir own work, men such as Bonnet,<br />

Trembley, Lyonet, Bazin and Lelarge de Lignac. This paper looks at Réaumur’s work on breeding as an arena where development <strong>of</strong><br />

technology and instrumentation (incubators, <strong>the</strong>rmometers, hygrometers), rational improvement (increasing poultry production), <strong>the</strong>ories<br />

<strong>of</strong> generation, management <strong>of</strong> correspondence networks and production <strong>of</strong> books all contributed to a form <strong>of</strong> natural history that<br />

incorporated elements <strong>of</strong> genteel country life, urban academic science and artisanal work. Manuscript material on Réaumur’s breeding<br />

experiments will be discussed in <strong>the</strong> light <strong>of</strong> this nexus <strong>of</strong> problems.<br />

Charles Thorpe, University College London (thorpe73@yahoo.co.uk)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

Scientific Freedom, Cold War Liberalism, and <strong>the</strong> Oppenheimer Case<br />

This paper examines <strong>the</strong> cultural impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1954 Oppenheimer loyalty-security hearing in relation to Cold War liberalism. It argues<br />

that <strong>the</strong> powerful significance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> case for American intellectuals was due to <strong>the</strong> central place which <strong>the</strong> notion <strong>of</strong> scientific freedom<br />

had assumed in <strong>the</strong> conceptualization <strong>of</strong> liberal political freedom during <strong>the</strong> Cold War. The notion <strong>of</strong> scientific freedom had become<br />

an important element in American intellectuals’ framing <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ideological conflict between <strong>the</strong> capitalist democracies and communism.<br />

At <strong>the</strong> same time, an idealization <strong>of</strong> science went hand in hand with liberal intellectuals’ increasing distrust <strong>of</strong> popular democracy and<br />

mass movements in <strong>the</strong> wake <strong>of</strong> World War Two and in response to <strong>the</strong> rise <strong>of</strong> McCarthyism. For Cold War liberals, science was <strong>the</strong><br />

key to defending liberal democratic culture against pressures from expansive communism abroad and irrational populism domestically.<br />

Against this background, <strong>the</strong> Oppenheimer case represented not just an institutional crisis in <strong>the</strong> relationship between <strong>the</strong> scientific community<br />

and <strong>the</strong> state, but was widely understood as a cultural crisis which went to <strong>the</strong> core <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> relationship between intellectuals and

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