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Abstracts of the History of Science Society 2004 Austin Meeting 18 ...

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logical knowledge. Mastering various forms <strong>of</strong> visual media <strong>the</strong>refore constituted an important part <strong>of</strong> a medical scientist’s pr<strong>of</strong>essional<br />

repertoire. At <strong>the</strong> same time as specimens conserved in various techniques were on display in medical museums, <strong>the</strong> general public<br />

could see artefacts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> same kind in <strong>the</strong> popular wax museums. Ano<strong>the</strong>r phenomenon closely connected to <strong>the</strong> medical discourse<br />

was <strong>the</strong> freak-show: <strong>the</strong>y both objectified odd or deviant bodies for <strong>the</strong>ir own interests. Wax museums, freak-shows and medical museums<br />

also share a common history, dating back to <strong>the</strong> old collections <strong>of</strong> curiosities. O<strong>the</strong>r connected phenomena around 1900 were<br />

phrenological and hygienic exhibitions. This media history <strong>of</strong> medical imagery and display concerns scientific and popular concepts <strong>of</strong><br />

medicine and <strong>the</strong> body. It also involves questions about cultural representations <strong>of</strong> power, gender, class and ethnicity.<br />

Laura J. Snyder, St. John’s University (snyderl@stjohns.edu)<br />

Thursday, <strong>18</strong>-Nov-04, 5:00 - 7:00 PM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Lord Only <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruffians and Fiends?: William Whewell and <strong>the</strong> Plurality <strong>of</strong> Worlds Debate<br />

Upon receiving a copy <strong>of</strong> William Whewell’s work, Of <strong>the</strong> Plurality <strong>of</strong> Worlds, in <strong>18</strong>53, his friend John Herschel wrote back: “So this <strong>the</strong>n<br />

is <strong>the</strong> best <strong>of</strong> all possible worlds—<strong>the</strong> ne plus ultra between which and <strong>the</strong> seventh heaven <strong>the</strong>re is nothing intermediate. Oh dear! Oh<br />

dear! ‘Tis a sad cutting down. Lord only <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruffians and Fiends….I can’t give in my adhesion to <strong>the</strong> doctrine that between this<br />

and <strong>the</strong> angelic <strong>the</strong>re are not some dozen or two grades <strong>of</strong> intellectual and moral creatures….” We may presume that Herschel’s tongue<br />

was firmly in cheek, but his dismay was real. Like most o<strong>the</strong>r scientists, philosophers and religious people in Britain in <strong>the</strong> nineteenth<br />

century, Herschel endorsed <strong>the</strong> view that <strong>the</strong> universe contained numerous o<strong>the</strong>r worlds populated by intelligent inhabitants. (Indeed,<br />

his own work on <strong>the</strong> double stars had contributed evidence, according to many, for this pluralist position.) Whewell’s book was one <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> first by an eminent intellectual to oppose this general trend since <strong>the</strong> 16th century. What was perhaps most odd about this is that<br />

Whewell had endorsed pluralism twenty years earlier, in his contribution to <strong>the</strong> Bridgewater Treatises (works commissioned for <strong>the</strong> purposes<br />

<strong>of</strong> showing how various scientific disciplines could contribute to Natural Theology). In this paper I will show that Whewell’s<br />

reversal had mostly to do with three factors: important developments in his philosophical outlook; <strong>the</strong> influence <strong>of</strong> Richard Owen’s<br />

<strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> archetypes on Whewell’s view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> argument from design, and Whewell’s perception <strong>of</strong> a need to streng<strong>the</strong>n such arguments<br />

in light <strong>of</strong> evolutionary accounts <strong>of</strong> human origins; and new findings in <strong>the</strong> sciences <strong>of</strong> geology and astronomy. By examining<br />

this shift in Whewell’s position, we may increase our understanding about <strong>the</strong> interplay between science, religion and philosophy in <strong>the</strong><br />

plurality <strong>of</strong> worlds debate in <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century.<br />

Alistair Sponsel, Princeton University (asponsel@princeton.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

Fathoming <strong>the</strong> Depth <strong>of</strong> Charles Darwin’s Theory <strong>of</strong> Coral Reef Formation.<br />

This paper is a revisionist account <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> Charles Darwin’s <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> coral reef formation. I argue that Darwin undertook<br />

a coral program long before <strong>the</strong> presumed genesis <strong>of</strong> his work on reef formation, and show how accounts that emphasize <strong>the</strong> geological<br />

implications <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory overlook <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>oretical weight <strong>of</strong> his ongoing work on coral biology and distribution. I will propose<br />

that Darwin’s coral <strong>the</strong>ory is based on <strong>the</strong> model <strong>of</strong> Humboldt’s <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> altitudinal speciation, and I will argue that this view sheds<br />

new light on <strong>the</strong> significance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Beagle’s hydrographic mission for Darwin’s <strong>the</strong>ory-making.<br />

Mat<strong>the</strong>w Stanley, Iowa State University (stanley@fas.harvard.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Big Bend A, B, & C<br />

The Pointsman: Maxwell’s Demon and Victorian Freewill<br />

James Clerk Maxwell’s “demon” is conventionally understood to be an attempt to show <strong>the</strong> limitations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> second law <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>rmodynamics.<br />

This is certainly an important element, but in this paper I will explore <strong>the</strong> cultural roots <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> demon, particularly in<br />

Maxwell’s religious development. Maxwell’s Christian faith was a mix <strong>of</strong> several <strong>the</strong>ological influences, but issues <strong>of</strong> free-will and human<br />

choice in <strong>the</strong> world were always central to his religiosity. He initially modeled <strong>the</strong> human soul as a pointsman on a railroad as a way to<br />

retain free-will in a mechanistic universe. This image <strong>of</strong> human choice coming from very slight evasions <strong>of</strong> energy physics provided a<br />

resource he later applied to <strong>the</strong> problems <strong>of</strong> statistical understandings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>rmodynamics. Maxwell’s demon was thus a <strong>the</strong>ological<br />

construct as well as a <strong>the</strong>rmodynamic one, and this paper will investigate <strong>the</strong> relationship between its role in <strong>the</strong>se different contexts.<br />

Laura Stark, Princeton University (lstark@princeton.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Hill Country C<br />

Practicing Morality: Psychological Research Practices and <strong>the</strong> Rise <strong>of</strong> Human Subjects Regulations in Postwar America<br />

During <strong>the</strong> 1970s, <strong>the</strong> research practices defined by pr<strong>of</strong>essional psychologists as morally acceptable for <strong>the</strong>ir own discipline would form<br />

a prominent part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> newly created US federal human subjects regulations. This extended <strong>the</strong> reach <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> practices beyond <strong>the</strong>ir origins<br />

in experimentalism and in <strong>the</strong> discipline <strong>of</strong> psychology, and <strong>the</strong>refore imposed <strong>the</strong> possibilities <strong>of</strong> knowledge and conceptions <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> subject that such practices imply. By focusing on psychology, this paper develops an account <strong>of</strong> American human subjects regulations<br />

beyond <strong>the</strong>ir legitimating myth, which paints <strong>the</strong> American regulations as an obvious and direct response to <strong>the</strong> Nuremburg Code.<br />

Engaging with recent interest in morality among historians <strong>of</strong> science, this paper argues that postwar psychologists defined <strong>the</strong>ir moral<br />

methods at a time when commitments to <strong>the</strong> proper way to conduct experimental research came into conflict with ideas about <strong>the</strong>

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