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Abstracts of the History of Science Society 2004 Austin Meeting 18 ...

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changes, examining situations from <strong>the</strong> late eighteenth century onwards in which practitioners <strong>of</strong> widely differing social status worked<br />

toge<strong>the</strong>r in <strong>the</strong> field. Power relations in <strong>the</strong> field were complex and ambiguous, as gentlemen sought out artisans with recognised expertise<br />

in finding plants and asked <strong>the</strong>m to serve as guides. The social experience <strong>of</strong> artisans and gentlemen botanising toge<strong>the</strong>r, ra<strong>the</strong>r than<br />

impressing upon artisans <strong>the</strong>ir status as subordinate observers and establishing <strong>the</strong> place <strong>of</strong> local information in <strong>the</strong> hierarchy <strong>of</strong> scientific<br />

knowledge, became instead an opportunity for artisans to exert and display <strong>the</strong>ir own forms <strong>of</strong> authority and skill.<br />

Jonathan Seitz, University <strong>of</strong> Wisconsin, Madison (jwseitz@wisc.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country C<br />

<strong>Science</strong> in <strong>the</strong> Holy Office: The Inquisition and Views <strong>of</strong> Nature in Early Modern Venice<br />

The religious turmoil <strong>of</strong> sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Europe charged conceptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> supernatural and natural worlds with<br />

unprecedented significance. In Venice, <strong>the</strong> Holy Office (Inquisition) exercised <strong>the</strong> Church’s coercive power to establish orthodox definitions<br />

<strong>of</strong>, and criteria for distinguishing between, <strong>the</strong> natural and <strong>the</strong> supernatural. However, <strong>the</strong> Inquisition did not simply impose <strong>the</strong><br />

views <strong>of</strong> Church <strong>of</strong>ficials onto <strong>the</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> society. The Holy Office served as a forum for <strong>the</strong> presentation <strong>of</strong> competing ideas about<br />

<strong>the</strong> characteristics and operation <strong>of</strong> natural and supernatural powers, including ideas held by social groups <strong>of</strong>ten absent from <strong>the</strong> history<br />

<strong>of</strong> science. Close examination <strong>of</strong> Inquisition records reveal how criteria for identifying natural and supernatural events changed over<br />

time, and how such criteria varied among different social groups in early modern Venice.<br />

Rena Selya, Harvard University (selya@fas.harvard.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Viruses, Cancer and <strong>the</strong> Institutionalization <strong>of</strong> Molecular Biology<br />

In <strong>the</strong> 1960s, molecular biology emerged as an institutionally and financially independent discipline. This paper will compare and contrast<br />

<strong>the</strong> effect <strong>of</strong> molecular biology on <strong>the</strong> departments <strong>of</strong> biology at MIT and Harvard University in <strong>the</strong> 1960s, considering <strong>the</strong> ways<br />

that personnel, research, funding, and curricula changed as a result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> molecular revolution. These changes were not always welcome,<br />

and <strong>the</strong> differences between <strong>the</strong> paths <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> two departments provide insight into <strong>the</strong> ways in which <strong>the</strong> biology community at<br />

large viewed <strong>the</strong> nascent discipline. The key figures in <strong>the</strong>se departments, Salvador Luria and James Watson, already had significant experience<br />

in virus research, as well as longstanding interests in <strong>the</strong> biology <strong>of</strong> cancer. Luria and Watson both went on to direct institutions<br />

that used virus research and o<strong>the</strong>r molecular techniques to explore <strong>the</strong> genetics <strong>of</strong> cancer. Through <strong>the</strong>ir guidance, microorganisms and<br />

tumor research became mainstays <strong>of</strong> molecular biology research and support, with clear effects on <strong>the</strong> way college students learned biology<br />

and <strong>the</strong>ir pr<strong>of</strong>essors sought funding. By <strong>the</strong> mid 1970s, <strong>the</strong> twin pillars <strong>of</strong> viruses and cancer helped make molecular biology <strong>the</strong><br />

central focus <strong>of</strong> biology education at <strong>the</strong>se two research universities.<br />

David Sepkoski, Oberlin College (dsepkosk@oberlin.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

Paleobiology in <strong>the</strong> 1970s: Punctuation, Mass Extinction, and Quantification<br />

Despite its important role in <strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong> evolutionary <strong>the</strong>ory in <strong>the</strong> 19th century, paleontology was largely marginalized by <strong>the</strong><br />

evolutionary community during much <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 20th. Between <strong>the</strong> late 1960s and <strong>the</strong> early 1980s, however, this situation changed drastically.<br />

In 1984, <strong>the</strong> geneticist John Maynard Smith spoke for <strong>the</strong> wider community <strong>of</strong> evolutionary biology: “<strong>the</strong> paleontologists have<br />

too long been missing from <strong>the</strong> high table. Welcome back.” Central in this rapid transformation were <strong>the</strong> efforts <strong>of</strong> a group <strong>of</strong> young,<br />

quantitatively-minded paleontologists whose studies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> dynamics <strong>of</strong> macroevolutionary patterns and extinction drew attention to<br />

<strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fossil record as a source for evolutionary <strong>the</strong>ory. This group was led by Stephen Jay Gould, who mustered many<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most promising paleontologists <strong>of</strong> his generation “including David Raup, Thomas Schopf, and Jack Sepkoski” to participate in<br />

<strong>the</strong> reconstruction <strong>of</strong> paleobiology as a <strong>the</strong>oretical discipline. While Gould’s saltationist views (expressed most vividly in his <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong><br />

punctuated equilibria) are well known, an equally important factor was <strong>the</strong> success <strong>of</strong> new approaches in <strong>the</strong> quantification and simulation<br />

<strong>of</strong> extinction patterns, which lent credence to Gould’s punctuated model. This paper will examine this history and will argue additionally<br />

that <strong>the</strong> new quantitative, deductive approach in paleobiology allowed a partial reconciliation <strong>of</strong> saltationist, catastrophist views<br />

with more traditional gradualist principles.<br />

Adam R. Shapiro, University <strong>of</strong> Chicago (adams@uchicago.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

The Evolution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “New Civic Biology”<br />

George W. Hunter’s “New Civic Biology”, published by <strong>the</strong> American Book Company in 1926, was intended to replace <strong>the</strong> 1914 “Civic<br />

Biology”, which gained notoriety after John Scopes used it to teach evolution in Dayton, Tennessee. Among <strong>the</strong> more notable differences<br />

between <strong>the</strong> two texts is <strong>the</strong> omission <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> word “evolution” from <strong>the</strong> new book. The revision process that led to <strong>the</strong> “New<br />

Civic Biology” began even before <strong>the</strong> Anti-Evolution Act was even proposed in Tennessee, and continued even after publication <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

first edition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new textbook. Along <strong>the</strong> way, <strong>the</strong> relationship between Hunter and his editors (which was never an easy one to begin<br />

with), became increasingly complicated and strained. The content <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new textbook came about not only as a result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> politics<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country—increasingly hostile to teaching evolution but also in large part to <strong>the</strong> politics <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> American Book Company itself,

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