14.01.2014 Views

Abstracts of the History of Science Society 2004 Austin Meeting 18 ...

Abstracts of the History of Science Society 2004 Austin Meeting 18 ...

Abstracts of the History of Science Society 2004 Austin Meeting 18 ...

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

Haeckel’s Deferred Action<br />

As Ernst Haeckel developed his scientific ideas, he steadily altered his portrait <strong>of</strong> his teacher, Johannes Mueller. Each <strong>of</strong> Mueller’s most<br />

famous students (Henle, Schwann, Virchow, Remak, DuBois-Reymond, Helmholtz, and Haeckel) told his own story about what Mueller<br />

was like, but Haeckel’s has had some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> greatest impact on <strong>the</strong> historical record. As Mueller’s last prominent pupil, Haeckel had <strong>the</strong><br />

last word, serving as pallbearer at his teacher’s funeral. Unlike Mueller’s more physiologically oriented students, Haeckel adored Mueller’s<br />

comparative anatomy and marine biology, taking Mueller’s studies <strong>of</strong> radiolaria as his scientific point <strong>of</strong> departure . In Haeckel’s early<br />

works, he mentioned Mueller mainly to cite specific anatomical studies, but his references to him began to change after his enthusiastic<br />

adoption <strong>of</strong> evolutionary <strong>the</strong>ory in <strong>the</strong> mid-<strong>18</strong>60s. Haeckel’s embrace <strong>of</strong> Darwinism set <strong>of</strong>f an extended process <strong>of</strong> Nachtraeglichkeit<br />

(Deferred Action) in his history <strong>of</strong> science which caused him to depict Mueller as endorsing evolution in retrospect. An admirer <strong>of</strong><br />

Cuvier, Mueller never believed that species evolved, so this narrative maneuver required considerable agility on Haeckel’s part. In his latest<br />

depictions <strong>of</strong> Mueller (1900-1910), Haeckel portrayed his teacher as obsessed with <strong>the</strong> relations between animal forms but unable<br />

to solve <strong>the</strong> “Raetsel” <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir affinities, a “Raetsel” that he, Haeckel <strong>the</strong>n solved with his version <strong>of</strong> evolution and his monistic philosophy.<br />

Haeckel was <strong>the</strong> only student <strong>of</strong> Mueller to claim that his teacher committed suicide, yet his account <strong>of</strong> Mueller’s unexpected<br />

death in <strong>18</strong>58 (at age 57) has been widely accepted. A close analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> way Haeckel changes his portrait <strong>of</strong> Mueller over time reveals<br />

how markedly scientists’ current perceptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own work can shape <strong>the</strong> stories <strong>the</strong>y tell about science’s history.<br />

Sharrona Pearl, Harvard University (spearl@fas.harvard.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Big Bend A, B, & C<br />

Natural-Born Beggars: Physiognomy and Determinism in Victorian Britain<br />

This paper will examine <strong>the</strong> Victorian discourse <strong>of</strong> self-improvement and personal change against <strong>the</strong> biological determinsim <strong>of</strong> physiognomy.<br />

Using published monographs as well as newspaper and periodical literature, I will look at <strong>the</strong> ways in which <strong>the</strong> political and<br />

class implications <strong>of</strong> “being born to a face” were used to limit <strong>the</strong> mobility <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> London poor. I will argue that physiognomy provided<br />

a justification for London’s urban underclass that resonated with and contributed to anti-welfare <strong>the</strong>ories <strong>of</strong> Spencer and Malthus. I<br />

will consider <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> visual culture and caricature in establishing <strong>the</strong> paramaters <strong>of</strong> this underclass, and <strong>the</strong> ways in which visual cues<br />

and perception <strong>of</strong>fered an approach to questions <strong>of</strong> will and determinism.<br />

Slobodan Perovic, York University (perovic@yorku.ca)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom V<br />

Recent Revival <strong>of</strong> Schrödinger’s<br />

Ideas on Interpreting Quantum Mechanics and Relevance <strong>of</strong> Their Early Experimental Critique<br />

E. Schrödinger’s early ideas on interpreting quantum mechanics, as well as <strong>the</strong>ir later reformulation, have been recently reexamined by<br />

historians and revived among philosophers <strong>of</strong> quantum mechanics. The doctrines <strong>of</strong> relational holism and emergentism arise as neo-<br />

Schrödingerian doctrines. These doctrines share with both Schrödinger’s earlier and later views <strong>the</strong> common assumption that <strong>the</strong> corpuscular<br />

properties <strong>of</strong> quantum systems can be successfully discarded, and <strong>the</strong> discontinuities related to measurements successfully<br />

reformulated in wave-mechanical terms or within <strong>the</strong> framework <strong>of</strong> quantum field <strong>the</strong>ory. I argue that <strong>the</strong>se doctrines fail to acknowledge<br />

<strong>the</strong> significance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> experimental results concerning electron scattering, in <strong>the</strong> face <strong>of</strong> which Schrödinger himself abandoned<br />

his 1926 interpretation, and which haunted his return to <strong>the</strong>se ideas in <strong>the</strong> 1930s. In his 1926 papers, Schrödinger argued against Bohr’s<br />

discontinuous account <strong>of</strong> quantum phenomena, suggesting that <strong>the</strong> atomism <strong>of</strong> classical mechanics fails with regard to very small<br />

dimensions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> path and very great curvatures. The true laws <strong>of</strong> quantum mechanics show that <strong>the</strong> particle cannot be treated as a<br />

single unit, but ra<strong>the</strong>r must be seen as a manifold <strong>of</strong> paths. Bohr, however, confuted Schrödinger’s interpretation. Schrödinger agreed<br />

with Bohr’s critique, based on <strong>the</strong> experiments performed by Compton and Simon and Geiger and Bo<strong>the</strong>, which demonstrated <strong>the</strong> corpuscular<br />

nature <strong>of</strong> atomic interactions. The experiment’s key point was <strong>the</strong> angle-dependency that indicated ordinary corpuscular interaction<br />

between field and matter. In 1935, Shankland’s experiment demonstrated an apparent conflict with <strong>the</strong> results <strong>of</strong> Bo<strong>the</strong>-Geiger,<br />

partially inspiring Schrödinger’s return to <strong>the</strong> wave-mechanical interpretation. Subsequent measurements, however, have proven <strong>the</strong> original<br />

experimental results accurate. I conclude that <strong>the</strong> neo-Schrödingerian trend should be cautioned by <strong>the</strong>se experimental results, in<br />

which <strong>the</strong> corpuscular properties cannot be “explained away” in wave-mechanical terms, as <strong>the</strong> discontinuities related to <strong>the</strong> measurement<br />

results may. These results concern <strong>the</strong> pre-measurement property <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> interaction that we come to know indirectly through <strong>the</strong><br />

angle-dependency.<br />

Jahnavi Phalkey, Georgia Institute <strong>of</strong> Technology (jphalkey@mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de.)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country B<br />

Meghnad Saha and <strong>the</strong> Calcutta Cyclotron<br />

The origins <strong>of</strong> nuclear physics can be traced to a few centers in Western Europe and later to <strong>the</strong> United States. However, <strong>the</strong>re were<br />

physicists in o<strong>the</strong>r countries on <strong>the</strong> international periphery, where local scientific communities tried to keep up with <strong>the</strong> research frontiers<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir disciplines for various reasons, within constraints and with varying results. This paper will examine <strong>the</strong> motivations to establish<br />

a nuclear physics research facility by Meghnad Saha, through <strong>the</strong> story <strong>of</strong> building <strong>the</strong> first cyclotron in Calcutta, British India beginning<br />

1938. Meghnad Saha joined <strong>the</strong> department <strong>of</strong> physics in <strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong> Calcutta in 1935. Traveling on a Carnegie Fellowship<br />

in <strong>the</strong> USA, Saha met Ernest O. Lawrence whose group in Berkeley built <strong>the</strong> first cyclotron accelerator. In 1938, Saha sent an Indian

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!