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Abstracts of the History of Science Society 2004 Austin Meeting 18 ...

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<strong>the</strong>se diverse materials, Hardy constructed for his readership a complex new cosmological myth that expressed his perception <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

personal, social, and philosophical implications <strong>of</strong> his culture’s “place in <strong>the</strong> universe.” Hardy’s “novel” universe <strong>of</strong>fers useful insights<br />

into <strong>the</strong> formal possibilities <strong>of</strong> a more overtly literary history <strong>of</strong> astronomy that richly resonate with current trends expressed by <strong>the</strong><br />

publication <strong>of</strong> such works as Dava Sobel’s Longitude and Galileo’s Daughter, as well as Neal Stephenson’s Quicksilver.<br />

Robert Goulding, University <strong>of</strong> Notre Dame (Goulding.2@nd.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

How can Alexandria be Brought to Oxford? Henry Savile’s <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> Ma<strong>the</strong>matics and Institutional Reform.<br />

Henry Savile’s 1570 lectures at Oxford on <strong>the</strong> Almagest were prefaced by a vastly detailed history <strong>of</strong> ma<strong>the</strong>matics and astronomy, stretching<br />

from Adam to Ptolemy himself. Savile’s principal (though unacknowledged) source for his history was Petrus Ramus’s Prooemium<br />

ma<strong>the</strong>maticum <strong>of</strong> 1567, which he supplemented by his own wide reading and study <strong>of</strong> manuscripts he found in Oxford. Although indebted<br />

to Ramus, Savile’s understanding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nature and purpose <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sciences is entirely opposed to that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> French educator. I<br />

examine how Savile reconstrued Ramus’s historical researches in order to advance his own <strong>the</strong>oretical and educational goals.<br />

Joel Hagen, Radford University (jhagen@runet.edu)<br />

Thursday, <strong>18</strong>-Nov-04, 5:00 - 7:00 PM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

Fossil Proteins, Chemical Paleogenetics, and <strong>the</strong> Early Development <strong>of</strong> Molecular Systematics<br />

During <strong>the</strong> early 1960s Nobel laureate Linus Pauling and his younger colleague Emile Zuckerkandl proposed a field <strong>of</strong> study that <strong>the</strong>y<br />

dubbed “chemical paleogenetics.” This new field would supplement, and in some cases supplant, traditional paleontology by bringing<br />

<strong>the</strong> rigorous tools <strong>of</strong> biochemistry to bear on <strong>the</strong> study <strong>of</strong> extinct life forms. It would also require advanced methods drawn from computer<br />

science and computational biology to test amino acid sequences for homology, construct hypo<strong>the</strong>tical phylogenetic trees, and evaluate<br />

alternative trees statistically. Although <strong>the</strong> term “paleogenetics” didn’t catch on, <strong>the</strong> analogy between proteins and fossils was widely<br />

employed during <strong>the</strong> early years <strong>of</strong> molecular evolution and molecular systematics. By reconstructing phylogenies <strong>of</strong> proteins and<br />

<strong>the</strong> organisms that possessed <strong>the</strong>m, practitioners hoped to infer <strong>the</strong> structure and function <strong>of</strong> ancestral molecules. This, <strong>the</strong>y hoped,<br />

would lead to a better understanding <strong>of</strong> extinct species and might even have practical applications for medicine. This paper examines<br />

<strong>the</strong> tension between traditional natural history and paleogenetics during <strong>the</strong> 1960s. It explores <strong>the</strong> promises and limitations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> analogy<br />

between fossils and macromolecules, <strong>the</strong> methods <strong>of</strong> representing phylogenetic relationships among related proteins, methods <strong>of</strong><br />

statistically evaluating alternative phylogenetic hypo<strong>the</strong>ses, and <strong>the</strong> implications <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se methods for <strong>the</strong> early development <strong>of</strong> what has<br />

become a burgeoning field <strong>of</strong> molecular systematics.<br />

Alexander J. Hahn, University <strong>of</strong> Notre Dame (hahn.1@nd.edu)<br />

Saturday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Big Bend A, B, & C<br />

Discorsi and Experiment in Conflict: Galileo’s Folio 116v and his Resolution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mirandum Paradox<br />

It is generally accepted that <strong>the</strong> time in Padua from 1604 to 1610 is <strong>the</strong> primary period <strong>of</strong> formation <strong>of</strong> Galileo’s final account <strong>of</strong><br />

motion. Leaving behind his earlier attempts (still based on <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> impetus and its consequences), he develops <strong>the</strong> axiomatic <strong>the</strong>ory<br />

<strong>of</strong> uniformly accelerated motion that would comprise <strong>the</strong> discussions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> third and fourth days <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “Discors” published in<br />

1638. With this account Galileo establishes himself as <strong>the</strong> discoverer <strong>of</strong> some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fundamental facts and insights <strong>of</strong> what would<br />

later become <strong>the</strong> classical <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> motion in <strong>the</strong> hands <strong>of</strong> Newton. In particular, Galileo realizes that horizontal motion is conserved,<br />

elevates uniformly accelerated motion to a status <strong>of</strong> central importance, conceptualizes it as an amalgam <strong>of</strong> a horizontal and a vertical<br />

component, and derives <strong>the</strong> parabolic trajectory (at least in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> a horizontal projection). A matter <strong>of</strong> considerable discussion by<br />

historians <strong>of</strong> science is <strong>the</strong> role that experiments played in Galileo’s process <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> discovery and confirmation <strong>of</strong> his insights. Some<br />

historians have asserted that Galileo generally trusts <strong>the</strong> conclusion <strong>of</strong> a pro<strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong> a pro<strong>of</strong> that resides within a consistent <strong>the</strong>oretical<br />

framework - more than an outcome <strong>of</strong> an experiment that deviates from such a conclusion. It is <strong>the</strong> primary purpose <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> proposed<br />

paper to illustrate this point with a comparative study <strong>of</strong> Galileo’s folio 116v and <strong>the</strong> “Mirandum Paradox.” For a related article, see<br />

Hahn, Arch. Hist. Exact Sci. 56 (2002), 339-361.<br />

Michael Cory Halliburton, Independent Scholar (mhallibu@midsouth.rr.com)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country D<br />

Paul Kammerer, Immortal Suicide<br />

While alive, Paul Kammerer was a controversial figure. Since his suicide in 1926, he has remained controversial and lived on as a symbol—as<br />

one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> undead in o<strong>the</strong>r people’s ideological wars. Arthur Koestler used Kammerer’s Neo-Lamarckianism as an example <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> methods that materialistic Darwinists would use to destroy <strong>the</strong>ir enemies. Creationists have also found a niche for Kammerer in<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir contemporary struggle against everything evolutionary: Kammerer’s failure proves <strong>the</strong> impossibility <strong>of</strong> any alternatives to<br />

Darwinian evolution. However, <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> Kammerer still has historical interest. The morphologists at <strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong> Vienna and<br />

Hans Przibram’s “Vivarium” in <strong>the</strong> Prater still had <strong>the</strong>ir evolutionary options open. In <strong>the</strong> early years <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twentieth century anything

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