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Abstracts of the History of Science Society 2004 Austin Meeting 18 ...

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Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

<strong>Science</strong> or Politics?: Nazi Racial Biology, ‘Pure Genetics’ and <strong>the</strong> Rockefeller Foundation Connection<br />

Unitl <strong>the</strong> mid 1930s, eugenics was viewed as an international movement adhered to by renowned biomedical scientists worldwide. The<br />

experience <strong>of</strong> National Socialist “racial policy,” however, challenged <strong>the</strong> claims that eugenics was a project based merely on scientific<br />

insights. This paper will discuss how <strong>the</strong> boundaries between <strong>the</strong> scientific and politcial sphere were redefined in a situation <strong>of</strong> extreme<br />

political dension during <strong>the</strong> early years <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Third Reich by examining <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Rockefeller Foundation. Prior to 1933, <strong>the</strong><br />

Foundation unerwrote projects directly related to German eugenics. After <strong>the</strong> “Nazi seizure <strong>of</strong> power,” however, <strong>the</strong> foundation was<br />

under pressure to question its German support. Yet <strong>the</strong> Foundation had difficulties rejecting <strong>the</strong> new German regime outright, since it<br />

defined itself as a strictly non-political organization. Interestingly, this tension had repercussions on German science, as <strong>the</strong> Foundation<br />

restricted its financial support to German scientists regarded as “untainted” with “racial questions.” As a result,<strong>the</strong> Foundation regarded<br />

‘pure geneticists” as better representatives <strong>of</strong> German science than <strong>the</strong>ir more overtly politicized biomedical counterparts. For <strong>the</strong><br />

Nazi regime, <strong>the</strong> international contacts <strong>of</strong> its most esteemed “pure geneticists” had an inestimable value in a double sense: <strong>the</strong>y were<br />

effective “goodwill ambassadors,” and <strong>the</strong>y were living pro<strong>of</strong> that German genetics, lauded as <strong>the</strong> basis for racial policy under <strong>the</strong> swastika,<br />

was not a domain <strong>of</strong> quacks.<br />

Monika Gisler, University <strong>of</strong> Basel/University <strong>of</strong> California, Los Angeles (gisler@sed.ethz.ch)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Interpereting Earthquakes in <strong>18</strong>th Century Protestant Switzerland: Between <strong>Science</strong> and Theology<br />

The century <strong>of</strong> Enlightenment was devoted to <strong>the</strong> idea <strong>of</strong> a harmonious world designed by God. In this concept, no space was left for<br />

a perception <strong>of</strong> a natural world with an arbitrary fate. Everything had to be put in order, and was classified with <strong>the</strong> intention <strong>of</strong> referring<br />

to <strong>the</strong> vision <strong>of</strong> a harmonious world and wise order. This world was described as teleologically structured, according to <strong>the</strong> wise<br />

plan <strong>of</strong> God. Therein <strong>the</strong> arbitrary must have a purpose on a higher level, <strong>the</strong> negative must be positive, <strong>the</strong> useless must serve a use.<br />

The teleology <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> negative was successful, when nature itself let loose its threats. Natural disasters had thus to be explained, to integrate<br />

<strong>the</strong>m in <strong>the</strong> new concept. After having been understood and rationalized, <strong>the</strong>y could be integrated into <strong>the</strong> optimistic vision <strong>of</strong> a<br />

“good world”. In my paper I will present some endeavors to explain earthquakes by <strong>18</strong>th century protestant naturalists in Switzerland.<br />

Their interpretations can be read as attempts to decipher God in nature: if <strong>the</strong> intentions <strong>of</strong> God in processes and rules <strong>of</strong> nature<br />

became understandable with <strong>the</strong> help <strong>of</strong> science, God’s will could be calculated. Simultaneously, this would justify scientific research –<br />

it could no longer be considered an invasion into <strong>the</strong> sphere <strong>of</strong> God. Their considerations dealt with patterns <strong>of</strong> both reason and belief.<br />

This had long been ignored or rejected as apologetic by a scientific history that focused first if all on <strong>the</strong> modernity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se researchers.<br />

In my paper I tend to speak <strong>of</strong> a conceptualized history <strong>of</strong> science that involves <strong>the</strong> social and cultural exogenous factors <strong>of</strong> knowledge-production<br />

and scientific development. As a consequence, <strong>the</strong> dialectic production <strong>of</strong> scientific knowledge with <strong>the</strong> respective religious<br />

background during <strong>the</strong> <strong>18</strong>th century may no longer be read as anti-modernized or pre-scientific.<br />

Anne Katrine Gjerløff, Department <strong>of</strong> <strong>History</strong>, University <strong>of</strong> Copenhagen (akg@hum.ku.dk)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country B<br />

Adventures <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ape: Popularizations <strong>of</strong> Paleoanthropology in Denmark in <strong>the</strong> 20th Century<br />

Paleoanthropology is among <strong>the</strong> most popular and popularized natural sciences as <strong>the</strong> amount <strong>of</strong> literature testifies. This paper presents<br />

<strong>the</strong> results <strong>of</strong> a comprehensive study <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> literature on <strong>the</strong> evolution <strong>of</strong> man in Denmark in <strong>the</strong> 20th century, including schoolbooks,<br />

monographs, fiction, museum-catalogues and popular science magazines. The study reveals how <strong>the</strong> paleoanthropological knowledge<br />

enters society and is altered according to <strong>the</strong> genres <strong>of</strong> popularization, <strong>the</strong> public attitude to <strong>the</strong> subject and <strong>the</strong> international scientific<br />

developements and it allows fur<strong>the</strong>r conclusions about <strong>the</strong> relationship between science, society and <strong>the</strong> construction <strong>of</strong> knowledge<br />

as well as it demonstrates <strong>the</strong> various connections between <strong>the</strong>ories <strong>of</strong> human evolution and <strong>the</strong> selfconcept <strong>of</strong> modern man.<br />

Sander Glib<strong>of</strong>f, Indiana University (sglib<strong>of</strong>f@indiana.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

Ernst Haeckel and <strong>the</strong> Mechanical Causes <strong>of</strong> Ontogeny<br />

Despite his prominence as a Darwinian in <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century, Ernst Haeckel was depicted in <strong>the</strong> early twentieth as an anachronism.<br />

The pioneering historian <strong>of</strong> biology Erik Nordenskïold, for example, said he had revived an obsolescent romanticism in <strong>18</strong>66 and clung<br />

to it dogmatically for over half a century <strong>the</strong>reafter. Yet Haeckel was anything but unresponsive to scientific developments after <strong>18</strong>66.<br />

In particular, Haeckel’s exchanges with embryologist Wilhelm His in <strong>the</strong> <strong>18</strong>70s, over <strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong> “mechanistic” causes in development<br />

and <strong>the</strong> validity <strong>of</strong> historical inference and explanation, had a lasting effect on his thinking. The experience colored Haeckel’s outlook<br />

on later advances in biology, in which he perceived renewed threats <strong>of</strong> ahistorical thinking like that <strong>of</strong> His. This helps explain his negative<br />

assessments <strong>of</strong> Weismann’s neo-Darwinism, Roux’s Entwicklungsmechanik, and even Mendelism and mutatonism—assessments<br />

that in turn made him look like an obstacle to progress in some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first histories <strong>of</strong> modern biology.<br />

Daniel Goldstein, University <strong>of</strong> California, Davis (dgoldstein@ucdavis.edu)

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