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<strong>Abstracts</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong> <strong>Society</strong><br />

<strong>2004</strong> <strong>Austin</strong> <strong>Meeting</strong><br />

<strong>18</strong> – 21 November <strong>2004</strong><br />

Stephen G. Alter, Gordon College (salter@gordon.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom IV<br />

The Textual Sources <strong>of</strong> Darwin’s ‘Unconscious Selection’ Concept<br />

This paper considers <strong>the</strong> likely sources <strong>of</strong> inspiration for Darwin’s concept <strong>of</strong> “unconscious selection,” a component <strong>of</strong> his well-known<br />

analogy between selection in nature and “selection by man.” Darwin distinguished between methodical selection, <strong>the</strong> systematic effort<br />

to produce desired changes in animal and plant varieties, and unconscious selection, which brought about <strong>the</strong> same kinds <strong>of</strong> changes,<br />

albeit gradually and unintentionally. The latter concept’s origins present a mystery. Darwin discussed only <strong>the</strong> methodical mode in his<br />

transmutation notebooks <strong>of</strong> <strong>18</strong>38-39, and <strong>the</strong> first recorded hint <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> unconscious selection idea did not appear until two years later,<br />

in his unpublished marginalia. The probable sources <strong>of</strong> inspiration thus lie in Darwin’s extensive reading program from <strong>the</strong> intervening<br />

years. Yet (as Darwin noted) <strong>the</strong> familiar manuals on domestic breeding did not describe unconscious selection. I argue, <strong>the</strong>refore,<br />

that <strong>the</strong> key works were historical writings, mainly on general anthropology and <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> social institutions. Darwin had looked<br />

to such works for insight into <strong>the</strong> literally “unconscious” (i.e., instinctive) bases <strong>of</strong> human behavior, yet he also would have found here<br />

an emphasis on gradual and unintended historical development—<strong>the</strong> essence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> unconscious selection idea.<br />

Hanne Andersen, University <strong>of</strong> Copenhagen (h.andersen@medphil.ku.dk)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Big Bend D & E<br />

Misrepresentation or Ignorance: The Case <strong>of</strong> “The Sceptical Environmentalist”<br />

During <strong>the</strong> 1990s, several research agencies and institutions developed guidelines for good scientific practice and formed committees to<br />

handle cases <strong>of</strong> scientific misconduct. However, it remained an issue <strong>of</strong> debate how to define scientific misconduct. Several early definitions<br />

centered on falsification, fabrication, and plagiarism, but later suggestions were made for definitions that were broader and more<br />

open-ended. A central issue in <strong>the</strong> discussions <strong>of</strong> how to define scientific misconduct has been how to address questions about differences<br />

in interpretation, including <strong>the</strong> question how to draw a line between actual misrepresentation and simply being wrong about <strong>the</strong><br />

interpretation <strong>of</strong> results. In this paper I shall illuminate <strong>the</strong>se questions through an analysis <strong>of</strong> a recent case: <strong>the</strong> ruling <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Danish<br />

Committee on Scientific Dishonesty (DCSD) about <strong>the</strong> best-selling book “The Sceptical Environmentalist” by Bjørn Lomborg. First, I<br />

shall give an account <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> formation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> DCSD as part <strong>of</strong> an international trend, and I shall describe <strong>the</strong> later development in <strong>the</strong><br />

practice <strong>of</strong> this committee. Next, I shall analyze <strong>the</strong> DCSD’s handling <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Lomborg case, including brief analyses <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> complaints<br />

and Lomborg’s responses, <strong>the</strong> approach taken by <strong>the</strong> DCSD to <strong>the</strong> material, and <strong>the</strong> final verdict. Finally, I shall analyze <strong>the</strong> political<br />

aftermath <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Lomborg case, including <strong>the</strong> intervention by <strong>the</strong> Danish Ministry <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong>, Technology and Innovation, and <strong>the</strong><br />

revised definition <strong>of</strong> scientific misconduct. On <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> this case I shall discuss <strong>the</strong> notion <strong>of</strong> misrepresentation, focussing on <strong>the</strong><br />

special problems that may arise for modern, multidisciplinary areas <strong>of</strong> research.<br />

Mary Anne Andrei, University <strong>of</strong> Minnesota (andre057@umn.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom VII<br />

Smithsonian Taxidermy and <strong>the</strong> Birth <strong>of</strong> Wildlife Conservation<br />

In <strong>18</strong>87 <strong>the</strong> U. S. National Museum (Smithsonian) created <strong>the</strong> department <strong>of</strong> living animals under <strong>the</strong> direction <strong>of</strong> William T. Hornaday,<br />

chief <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> taxidermy division. The new specimens gave <strong>the</strong> Smithsonian’s taxidermists and osteologists <strong>the</strong> opportunity to study <strong>the</strong><br />

natural habits <strong>of</strong> living animals and use this knowledge to improve <strong>the</strong>ir mounting techniques. Soon, however, <strong>the</strong> department was seen<br />

as a place to preserve endangered wildlife. In <strong>18</strong>88 Director George Brown Goode dispatched Hornaday to <strong>the</strong> western United States<br />

to fill a train <strong>of</strong> empty boxcars with threatened species, including bison, a grizzly bear, and golden eagle, as well as a red fox, badgers,<br />

and prairie dogs. Two years later, under Hornaday’s direction, <strong>the</strong> department evolved into <strong>the</strong> National Zoo. This paper presents <strong>the</strong><br />

first systematic study <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Smithsonian’s early taxidermists and osteologists and <strong>the</strong> extent to which <strong>the</strong>ir experience in <strong>the</strong> department<br />

<strong>of</strong> living animals laid <strong>the</strong> groundwork for future conservation efforts. Most notably, Hornaday later became director <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> New<br />

York Zoological Park—<strong>the</strong> first zoo to breed endangered species in captivity for reintroduction into <strong>the</strong> wild. Hornaday’s conservation<br />

efforts were equaled, however, by o<strong>the</strong>r former members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Smithsonian staff, particularly Frederic A. Lucas, osteologist from <strong>18</strong>82-<br />

1904, who undertook <strong>the</strong> first assessment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Smithsonian’s holdings <strong>of</strong> endangered or extinct species, served on <strong>the</strong> board <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Fur Seal Commission and as president <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> National Audubon <strong>Society</strong>, and fought for legislation to protect right whales and elephant<br />

seals.<br />

Theodore Arabatzis, University <strong>of</strong> A<strong>the</strong>ns (tarabatz@cc.uoa.gr)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

Misinterpreting (correct) Experimental Results: Kaufmann’s Rejection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Particulate Interpretation <strong>of</strong> Cathode Rays


In <strong>the</strong> late 19th century <strong>the</strong>re were two conflicting interpretations <strong>of</strong> cathode rays. According to <strong>the</strong> first view, mainly endorsed by<br />

British physicists, <strong>the</strong>y were beams <strong>of</strong> charged particles. The alternative view, favoured by German physicists, was that <strong>the</strong>y were ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />

species <strong>of</strong> waves in <strong>the</strong> e<strong>the</strong>r. In that context, Walter Kaufmann (<strong>18</strong>71-1947) reported, in early <strong>18</strong>97, his measurements <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> magnetic<br />

deflection <strong>of</strong> cathode rays. He pointed out that, on <strong>the</strong> assumption that cathode rays were charged particles, those measurements<br />

implied that <strong>the</strong>ir charge to mass ratio was three orders <strong>of</strong> magnitude larger than <strong>the</strong> corresponding ratio <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ions <strong>of</strong> electrolysis.<br />

Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong> value <strong>of</strong> that ratio depended nei<strong>the</strong>r on <strong>the</strong> chemical composition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> gas contained in <strong>the</strong> cathode ray tube nor<br />

on <strong>the</strong> material <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> tube’s electrodes. Both <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se implications eliminated <strong>the</strong> possibility that cathode rays were composed <strong>of</strong> electrolytical<br />

ions. Kaufmann <strong>the</strong>n concluded, mistakenly, that <strong>the</strong> identification <strong>of</strong> cathode rg at atomic exchange during <strong>the</strong> four year period<br />

leading up to <strong>the</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Atomic Energy Research Institute (AERI), a body comparable to <strong>the</strong> AEC. Established in<br />

<strong>the</strong> wake <strong>of</strong> Eisenhower’s “Atoms for Peace” address <strong>of</strong> December 1953, AERI was designed to provide South Korea with a cheap,<br />

efficient source <strong>of</strong> energy, power which would subsequently drive <strong>the</strong> nation’s industrial and economic recovery. The collaborative relationship<br />

between American researchers and <strong>the</strong>ir Korean counterparts was complicated, however, by tensions centering on: (1) <strong>the</strong> proper<br />

approach to be taken toward nuclear power (research-based versus industrial), (2) <strong>the</strong> relationship between <strong>the</strong> construction <strong>of</strong> new<br />

facilities and <strong>the</strong> larger Korean university community, and (3) <strong>the</strong> type and length <strong>of</strong> training necessary to undertake an atomic energy<br />

program. If <strong>the</strong> successful start-up <strong>of</strong> South Korea’s first research reactor in 1962, along with its first commercial reactor in 1977,<br />

remains in part a legacy <strong>of</strong> this early period iy those very results that were supposed to falsify its precursor.<br />

Ka<strong>the</strong>rine Arens, University <strong>of</strong> Texas, <strong>Austin</strong> (k.arens@mail.utexas.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country C<br />

Mach, Haeckel, and <strong>the</strong> Rejection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “Two Cultures”: Popular <strong>Science</strong> as Epistemology in German-Language <strong>Science</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

(Last) Fin de siècle<br />

At <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 19th and start <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 20th centuries, Austria and Germany attained international visibility in physics, chemistry, biology,<br />

and many technical fields. This presentation will take on a less familiar side to this preeminence: a large corpus <strong>of</strong> popular science<br />

writing by major scientists aimed at <strong>the</strong> German-speaking public. Using as case studies <strong>the</strong> Popular-Scientific Lectures (<strong>18</strong>86, 4th ed. 1916)<br />

and Knowledge and Error (1905) by (physicist, <strong>18</strong>38-1916) and The Riddle <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Universe at <strong>the</strong> Close <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Nineteenth Century (<strong>18</strong>99) by Ernst<br />

Haeckel (evolutionary biologist, <strong>18</strong>34-1919), this presentation will argue for <strong>the</strong> significance <strong>of</strong> such texts not simply as publicity for <strong>the</strong><br />

pure sciences, but as a significant force in establishing science as a dominant social paradigm for scientists and lay people alike. Not<br />

popularized in <strong>the</strong> common sense <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> term, <strong>the</strong>se texts are at pains to present cognitively accessible thought experiments to <strong>the</strong> general<br />

public, and thus to bridge <strong>the</strong> general world view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> era and <strong>the</strong> specific scientific world view <strong>of</strong> front-end <strong>the</strong>ory. Thus Mach’s<br />

famous thought experiments are recast as observations <strong>of</strong> historical and natural phenomena, to make <strong>the</strong> case by examples that <strong>the</strong> point<br />

<strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> observer and <strong>the</strong> anthropocentric rationality <strong>of</strong>ten imposed on analytic frames may need to be questioned. Haeckel takes<br />

on a more difficult project in evolutionary biology, teaching through <strong>the</strong> Riddle <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Universe how biological evidence <strong>of</strong> historical<br />

process ought to be thought through — including in a speculative mode that tacitly combats what today might be called creationism.<br />

Such very visible texts, I argue, create a Central European environment for science that integrates ethical-social considerations (and questions<br />

<strong>of</strong> historical hermeneutics) with <strong>the</strong> pure sciences, and creates a very different epistemological claim for science and scientific <strong>the</strong>ory-building.<br />

The most specific results <strong>of</strong> this approach are a rejection <strong>of</strong> a purely ma<strong>the</strong>matical approach to modeling <strong>of</strong> natural<br />

processes and an insistence on <strong>the</strong> physicality and cultural position <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> observer, ra<strong>the</strong>r than an assertion <strong>of</strong> neutrality. Thus, just as<br />

Canguilhem argued for early modern science, and as Roger Caillois did for species biology in <strong>the</strong> twentieth century, Mach and Haeckel<br />

take <strong>the</strong>ir sciences as fundamental determined by social processes ra<strong>the</strong>r than as <strong>the</strong>ory in its own right, rejecting <strong>the</strong> very idea <strong>of</strong> “two<br />

cultures” and <strong>the</strong> competition for resources, status, and validity which that notion is predicated on.<br />

Jean-Francois Auger, Universite Louis-Pasteur, Strasbourg (jean-francois.auger@gersulp.u-strasbg.fr)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country C<br />

The Cultural Meaning <strong>of</strong> Leon Provancher’s Entomological Collections, <strong>18</strong>77-1980<br />

At <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ninetieth century, <strong>the</strong> French Canadian naturalist and priest, Leon Provancher, built entomological collections containing<br />

more than one thousand previously unknown species <strong>of</strong> hymenoptera. Still in existence today, <strong>the</strong> collections are consulted by<br />

entomologists for research in systematic. In this paper we explore how <strong>the</strong> cultural meaning <strong>of</strong> this scientific artefact has been shaped<br />

by scientific, educational and political considerations. Provancher built insect collections according to his fixist and anti-evolutionist<br />

beliefs. He wanted to contemplate God’s creation, publish insect descriptions in his journal, Le Naturaliste canadien, and exchange correspondence<br />

with North-American natural historians. Provancher’s first collection was given for reference purposes to <strong>the</strong> Quebec<br />

Department <strong>of</strong> Agriculture in <strong>18</strong>77, and <strong>the</strong> second was bought for courses in natural history by <strong>the</strong> College <strong>of</strong> Levis in <strong>18</strong>88. After <strong>the</strong><br />

naturalist’s death in <strong>18</strong>92, a third collection was acquired by <strong>the</strong> Quebec Museum <strong>of</strong> Public Instruction. The collections were used as<br />

teaching tools for college students in natural history and for reference purposes in economic entomology by civil servants. The two collections<br />

possessed by <strong>the</strong> government were finally brought toge<strong>the</strong>r in <strong>the</strong> Provincial Museum in 1933. They were used by American<br />

entomologists for work in systematic and were visited by Quebec City citizens during public exhibitions. The collections had been physically<br />

altered when <strong>the</strong> type specimens were put into separate drawers by <strong>the</strong> curator, according to <strong>the</strong> international standard code in<br />

entomology. When <strong>the</strong> museum began to specialize its collection in <strong>the</strong> arts, <strong>the</strong> entomological collections were transferred to <strong>the</strong><br />

Department <strong>of</strong> Biology at Laval University in 1962 according to an agreement with de Quebec Department <strong>of</strong> Culture. They were used<br />

to train entomologists in master’s and doctoral degrees. The remaining collection was kept by <strong>the</strong> College <strong>of</strong> Levis in its museum <strong>of</strong> his-


tory as an object <strong>of</strong> public curiosity. In conclusion, we will discuss <strong>the</strong> assumption that scientific artefacts are constructed, modified and<br />

preserved according to cultural factors.<br />

Davis Baird, University <strong>of</strong> South Carolina (db@sc.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

Atomic Precision: Rowland’s Dictum and Nanotechnology<br />

Henry A. Rowland (<strong>18</strong>48-1901) is justly famous for his ability to make high-precision machinery work right. For two generations his diffraction<br />

gratings, ruled with up to 30,000 lines/inch, were <strong>the</strong> best in <strong>the</strong> world. Rowland’s success was due in part to his understanding<br />

<strong>of</strong> error. This is captured in <strong>the</strong> motto for Rowland’s laboratory known as “Rowland’s Dictum:” “No mechanism operates perfectly—its<br />

design must make up for imperfections.” Rowland’s ruling engine, on which he made his spectacular gratings, is a marvel <strong>of</strong><br />

Rowland’s dictum in action. Here, <strong>the</strong>n is one entry point to understand <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> error in experimental science. However, <strong>the</strong><br />

primary thrust <strong>of</strong> my paper concerns nanotechnology. I aim to use Rowland’s dictum as a tool to examine recent claims that nanotechnology<br />

will provide “atomic-level precision.” When we work with bulk materials—even on a very small micrometer scale—we understand<br />

that all attempts to fabricate and measure are subject to error. We speak <strong>of</strong> 100 microns ± 0.1 micron. But when we operate on<br />

<strong>the</strong> nanoscale, “with atomic precision,” we are speaking <strong>of</strong> putting a single layer <strong>of</strong> atoms just so, or building a polymer molecule with<br />

exactly 100 atoms. Richard Feynman in his well-known talk “Plenty <strong>of</strong> Room at <strong>the</strong> Bottom,” writes as follows: “Ano<strong>the</strong>r thing we will<br />

notice is that, if we go down far enough, all <strong>of</strong> our devices can be mass produced so that <strong>the</strong>y are absolutely perfect copies <strong>of</strong> one<br />

ano<strong>the</strong>r. We cannot build two large machines so that <strong>the</strong> dimensions are exactly <strong>the</strong> same. But if your machine is only 100 atoms high,<br />

you only have to get it correct to one-half <strong>of</strong> one percent to make sure <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r machine is exactly <strong>the</strong> same size—namely, 100 atoms<br />

high!” When measurement and fabrication is now measured in relatively small numbers <strong>of</strong> discrete more-or-less easily countable units—<br />

ei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> molecule has 100 atoms in it or not—we seem finally to be able to defeat error. But, <strong>of</strong> course, all <strong>the</strong> measurement and fabrication<br />

at <strong>the</strong> nanoscale is done with “mechanisms,” and as Rowland’s dictum reminds us, “No mechanism operates perfectly.” So <strong>the</strong><br />

questions I examine are where do <strong>the</strong> errors creep in, how do nanoscale measurement and fabrication devices control for <strong>the</strong>m, and<br />

what, in <strong>the</strong> end, should we understand by claims to “atomic-level precision.”<br />

Avner Ben-Zaken, Harvard <strong>Society</strong> <strong>of</strong> Fellows (avner@ucla.edu avnerbz@yahoo.com)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country A<br />

The Decade When <strong>the</strong> Sky Fell and A New Astronomy Arose<br />

In 1574 <strong>the</strong> Ottoman Sultan Murâd III invited Taqî al-Dîn to build an observatory in Istanbul. With Taqî al-Dîn’s exceptional knowledge<br />

in <strong>the</strong> arts <strong>of</strong> mechanics, he was able to construct instruments and to build mechanical clocks for an observation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> comet <strong>of</strong><br />

1577. In <strong>the</strong> same decade, Tycho Brahe settled in Uraniborg, from where he observed <strong>the</strong> same comet and made observations until <strong>the</strong><br />

end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> century. The last observatory <strong>of</strong> Islam and <strong>the</strong> first significant observatory <strong>of</strong> Europe coexisted for years. Current historiography<br />

tends to present <strong>the</strong> two projects as developing along separate linear paths. Sharper examination,though, will show a situation<br />

in which two diplomatic and ideological opponents addressed <strong>the</strong> same astronomical phenomena. Might <strong>the</strong> two have been aware <strong>of</strong><br />

each o<strong>the</strong>r?<br />

Richard Beyler, Portland State University (beylerr@pdx.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country B<br />

Boundaries and Authority in <strong>the</strong> Physics Community in <strong>the</strong> Third Reich<br />

A commonplace in discussions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> science in <strong>the</strong> National Socialist era has been <strong>the</strong> question whe<strong>the</strong>r science “retained<br />

its freedom” under National Socialism or not. This was especially <strong>the</strong> case in <strong>the</strong> immediate post-war period among critiques <strong>of</strong> and<br />

apologias for conduct among <strong>the</strong> historical actors <strong>the</strong>mselves, above on <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> denazification process, but <strong>the</strong> question has<br />

also spilled over into more recent historiographical discourse. There have been three predominant kinds <strong>of</strong> response: straightforward<br />

affirmation, straightforward denial, and turning <strong>the</strong> question towards <strong>the</strong> applicability <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> “freedom” altoge<strong>the</strong>r. This<br />

paper will use <strong>the</strong> example <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> German Physical <strong>Society</strong> under National Socialism to examine <strong>the</strong>se questions.<br />

Mario Biagioli, Harvard University (biagioli@fas.harvard.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Intellectual Property in Early Modern Instruments: Galilei vs. Capra<br />

This paper discusses <strong>the</strong> relative success <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> tactics developed by early modern artisans and ma<strong>the</strong>maticians to protect <strong>the</strong>ir commercial<br />

interests, priority claims, and intellectual credit for <strong>the</strong> instruments <strong>the</strong>y produced. After a general discussion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> resources and<br />

constraints associated with <strong>the</strong>se various tactics, I will propose a revisionist analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1607 dispute that pitted Galileo against<br />

Baldessarre Capra a dispute that concerned <strong>the</strong> inventorship <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> so-called “geometrical and military compass.” Galileo had been selling<br />

such instruments since <strong>the</strong> late 1590s and had published a book on <strong>the</strong>ir use in 1606. The dispute between Galileo and Capra was<br />

not treated as a case <strong>of</strong> “patent infringement” but rateher as a case <strong>of</strong> book piracy (as both Capra and Galileo had published books on<br />

<strong>the</strong> instrument. The Venetian authorities ruled in Galileo’s case. I want to show that although Galileo won easily and swiftly, <strong>the</strong> ques-


tions it raised were not resolved ei<strong>the</strong>r by Galileo or by <strong>the</strong> court, and that <strong>the</strong>y remain relevant to modern debates about <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong><br />

both copyright and patents to protect intellectual property claims in scientific findings.<br />

Christina Brandt, Max Planck Institute for <strong>the</strong> <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong> (brandt@mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Big Bend D & E<br />

Between Fact and Fiction: Bioscientific Research and Early Debates About Cloning and Genetic Engineering in Germany<br />

This paper analyzes scientific and cultural layers in <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> cloning. It addresses <strong>the</strong> relationship between bioscientific research,<br />

popular representations and public debates that flourished around <strong>the</strong> figure <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “clone”. The focus will be on <strong>the</strong> life sciences in<br />

Germany from <strong>the</strong> late 1960s to <strong>the</strong> early 1980s. This period can be characterized by two major scientific events: First, John Gurdon´s<br />

(Oxford) success in cloning frogs in <strong>the</strong> early 1960s gave rise to fantastical representations around <strong>the</strong> figure <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “clone”. Second,<br />

<strong>the</strong>se popular debates about cloning experienced both <strong>the</strong>ir highpoint and a temporary halt in <strong>the</strong> early 1980s when Karl Illmensee<br />

(Geneva) announced that he was able to clone mice but shortly afterwards his claims were disproved. In <strong>the</strong> first part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> paper, I<br />

will follow scientific developments in German developmental biology by focussing on research at <strong>the</strong> Friedrich Miescher Laboratorium<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Max Planck <strong>Society</strong> in Tuebingen. The second part will examine <strong>the</strong> public debates about cloning and genetic engineering in<br />

Germany with attention given to <strong>the</strong> demarcation between scientific facts and popular fiction. By comparing <strong>the</strong>se German developments<br />

to those in <strong>the</strong> United States and Great Britain, <strong>the</strong> paper will try to specify at which level national peculiarities played a part in<br />

an internationally organized scientific landscape building up in <strong>the</strong> second half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 20th century.<br />

Sabine Brauckmann, KLI (sabine.brauckmann@kli.ac.at)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

‘’Cells Migrate and Shape’’: A Historical Sketch <strong>of</strong> Developmental Fate Maps<br />

My talk presents a historical chapter <strong>of</strong> developmental physiology by focusing on Walter Vogt (<strong>18</strong>88-1941) and Sven Hörstadius (<strong>18</strong>98-<br />

1996), two experimental biologists, and on two conceptions, namely <strong>the</strong> gastrea <strong>the</strong>ory and <strong>the</strong> gradient notion. Fur<strong>the</strong>r, I want to show<br />

(1) how developmental physiology depicted <strong>the</strong> migration and shaping <strong>of</strong> cells during gastrulation in fate maps and (2)how <strong>the</strong> gradient<br />

concept as formulated by Boveri was finally confirmed. The crucial issue comparative anatomy and embryology tried to solve around<br />

<strong>18</strong>80 was how <strong>the</strong> mesoderm forms and whe<strong>the</strong>r it proceeds by invagination or delamination. However, it was difficult to reconstruct<br />

<strong>the</strong>se morphogenetic movements by observing whole or sectioned embryos alone. Besides an experimental turn, technical improvements<br />

like micrometer, vital staining methods, and apochromatic objectives helped to label <strong>the</strong> cells <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> three germ layers and to follow<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir fate at successive intervals during gastrulation. By <strong>the</strong>se new methods, <strong>the</strong> classical disciplines slowly overcame <strong>the</strong>ir descriptive<br />

state and moved towards <strong>the</strong> more dynamical representation <strong>of</strong> developmental mechanics. In <strong>the</strong> 1920s Vogt perfected <strong>the</strong> staining<br />

method and constructed more or less idealized fate maps <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> toad Bombinator. For him, <strong>the</strong> results corroborated Haeckel’s gastrea<br />

<strong>the</strong>ory. Vogt’s research revolutionized comparative embryology and formed <strong>the</strong> basis for interpreting developmental physiology. A few<br />

years later Hörstadius embarked on an experimental program with sea urchins hoping to solve <strong>the</strong> question <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> temporal determination<br />

<strong>of</strong> invagination. His main objective was to improve on <strong>the</strong> data <strong>of</strong> Morgan and Driesch who had estimated <strong>the</strong> invaginating material<br />

by counting nuclei. With his technique <strong>of</strong> fine glass needles and Vogt’s staining method, Hörstadius could now trace <strong>the</strong> fate <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

various cell groups into <strong>the</strong> later larva at <strong>the</strong>ir exact temporal determination. His data corrected <strong>the</strong> old invagination explanation <strong>of</strong> gastrulation<br />

and secured <strong>the</strong> gradient concept. Besides <strong>the</strong> narrative <strong>of</strong> developmental fate mapping, my main objective is to demonstrate<br />

<strong>the</strong> conceptual difference in <strong>the</strong>ir research programs. For, Vogt’s work was firmly rooted in homology studies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 19th century whereas<br />

Hörstadius concentrated on embryonic cells and intercellular communication.<br />

Richard Burkhardt, University <strong>of</strong> Illinois, Urbana-Champaign (burkhard@uiuc.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Ordering and Coordinating Naturalists’ Practices in Restoration France<br />

The distinction between <strong>the</strong> naturalist voyager and <strong>the</strong> cabinet naturalist predates but does not map seamlessly onto <strong>the</strong> later contrast<br />

between <strong>the</strong> field naturalist and <strong>the</strong> lab or museum worker. One reason for this is that <strong>the</strong> primary task <strong>of</strong> naturalist voyagers, at least<br />

as conceived by those who most <strong>of</strong>ten sponsored <strong>the</strong>ir travels, was to collect specimens for study and display back in museums, not to<br />

pursue field studies as such. In <strong>the</strong> years immediately after <strong>the</strong> Napoleonic Wars, <strong>the</strong> National Museum <strong>of</strong> Natural <strong>History</strong> in Paris made<br />

special efforts to encourage <strong>the</strong> collecting efforts <strong>of</strong> travelers, colonial <strong>of</strong>ficials, sea captains, and, most notably, a select number <strong>of</strong> individuals<br />

whom <strong>the</strong> Museum paid to be naturalist voyagers. The present paper looks at <strong>the</strong> naturalist voyagers on <strong>the</strong> Museum’s payroll<br />

from <strong>18</strong>15 to <strong>18</strong>30, examining in particular <strong>the</strong> ways in which <strong>the</strong>ir own interests and <strong>the</strong>ir actual practices in <strong>the</strong> field corresponded to<br />

or diverged from <strong>the</strong> aims <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> institution that sponsored <strong>the</strong>m.<br />

D. Graham Burnett, Princeton University (dburnett@princeton.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

Whales and <strong>the</strong> Cold War: The First International Symposium on Cetacean Research<br />

From <strong>the</strong> 15th to <strong>the</strong> <strong>18</strong>th <strong>of</strong> August, 1963, more than fifty scientists from around <strong>the</strong> world ga<strong>the</strong>red in <strong>the</strong> “John Glenn Suite” <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>


Marriott Motor Lodge in Washington, D.C. for a meeting billed as “The First International Symposium on Cetacean Research.” Funded<br />

by <strong>the</strong> Office <strong>of</strong> Naval Research and organized by <strong>the</strong> American Institute <strong>of</strong> Biological <strong>Science</strong>, this event marked a major development<br />

in <strong>the</strong> twentieth-century history <strong>of</strong> marine mammal biology. In addition to demonstrating a new level <strong>of</strong> federal funding available for<br />

research on cetaceans, <strong>the</strong> meeting drew toge<strong>the</strong>r a remarkably diverse group <strong>of</strong> investigators-whaling-industry-linked zoologists, marine<br />

park trainers, naval experts in underwater acoustics trained in anti-submarine warfare, neurophysiologists and anthropologists-all <strong>of</strong><br />

whom had an interest in <strong>the</strong>se anomalous and fugitive animals. Despite this heterogeneity, <strong>the</strong> published proceedings (Kenneth Norris,<br />

ed., _Whales, Dolphins, and Porpoises_ [Berkeley: University <strong>of</strong> California Press, 1966]) became a landmark reference work during a<br />

pivotal decade in <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> human relationships with whales and dolphins-<strong>the</strong> decade from 1962-1972, which saw crisis in <strong>the</strong><br />

International Whaling Commission, <strong>the</strong> rise <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “save <strong>the</strong> whales” movement, and <strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong> a perception that cetaceans were<br />

not resources to be exploited, but ra<strong>the</strong>r charged symbols <strong>of</strong> human environmental irresponsibility. In this paper I will use this meeting<br />

as <strong>the</strong> point <strong>of</strong> departure for an effort to answer <strong>the</strong> following questions: Who in <strong>the</strong> world was studying whales and dolphins in<br />

1963? Where? Why were <strong>the</strong>y doing so? Answering <strong>the</strong>se questions will demand a set <strong>of</strong> excursions-loops out and away from <strong>the</strong> conference<br />

presentations <strong>the</strong>mselves-that will follow <strong>the</strong> participants back to <strong>the</strong>ir laboratories and research environments, reconstruct <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

training and disciplinary formation, and endeavor to contextualize <strong>the</strong>ir interest in cetaceans. This work will make it possible to examine<br />

several significant misunderstandings and disagreements that emerged from <strong>the</strong> meeting, divergences which had enduring scientific<br />

and cultural consequences.<br />

James Steven Byrne, Princeton University (jbyrne@princeton.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Regiomontanus’s Padua Oration in <strong>the</strong> University Context<br />

In 1464, <strong>the</strong> German astronomer and ma<strong>the</strong>matician Regiomontanus gave an oration on <strong>the</strong> dignity, utility, and history <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ma<strong>the</strong>matical<br />

sciences at <strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong> Padua. This oration has come to be seen as exemplary <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> humanist revival <strong>of</strong> ancient ma<strong>the</strong>matics<br />

that took place in <strong>the</strong> fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. I will discuss Regiomontanus’s oration in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> his background<br />

as a university student and master, illustrating <strong>the</strong> extent to which his histories <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ma<strong>the</strong>matical arts rely on this tradition. I will also<br />

comment on <strong>the</strong> ease with which university ma<strong>the</strong>matics (in contrast to o<strong>the</strong>r scholastic disciplines) could be presented as humanist.<br />

David Cahan, University <strong>of</strong> Nebraska (dcahan@unlnotes.unl.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM -Texas Ballroom III<br />

The Scientific Tourist: Helmholtz in Gilded Age America<br />

In <strong>18</strong>93, Hermann von Helmholtz journeyed to America as <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial head <strong>of</strong> Germany’s delegation to <strong>the</strong> International Electrical<br />

Congress, which met in late August as part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Columbia World’s Exhibition in Chicago. To that <strong>of</strong>ficial sojourn to settle international<br />

electrical standards and to represent German science and culture at large, Helmholtz added un<strong>of</strong>ficial visits to see scientists and<br />

universities in several o<strong>the</strong>r cities: New York, Cambridge and Boston, Baltimore, and Washington. During <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> his seven-week<br />

stay in America Helmholtz met numerous leading scientists and university administrators, and was received as scientific royalty by <strong>the</strong>m,<br />

by <strong>the</strong> press, and by <strong>the</strong> American government. In analyzing Helmholtz’s tour <strong>of</strong> scientific America, including <strong>the</strong> many people he met<br />

and <strong>the</strong> institutions he visited, this presentation simultaneously addresses several larger <strong>the</strong>matic issues in American scientific life, including:<br />

<strong>the</strong> public portrayal <strong>of</strong> a close relationship <strong>of</strong> science and technology, <strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong> new or <strong>the</strong> reform <strong>of</strong> older scientific institutions,<br />

<strong>the</strong> general sense <strong>of</strong> growth and vitality <strong>of</strong> several local scientific communities, and <strong>the</strong> heroic and iconic treatment <strong>of</strong><br />

Helmholtz by Americans in search <strong>of</strong> national recognition and ties to European culture.<br />

Victoria Cain, Columbia University, (vec5@columbia.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-4, 9:00 - 11:45 AM -Texas Ballroom VII<br />

“SELLING” ANIMALS: Consumption and Conservation in American Natural <strong>History</strong> Museums, 1900-1930<br />

At <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twentieth century, American natural history museums assumed an increasingly aggressive stance in favor <strong>of</strong> conservation,<br />

and sought to educate <strong>the</strong>ir visitors accordingly. Museum directors and curators gave lectures, wrote articles, and participated<br />

in political campaigns in order to heighten public awareness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rapid destruction and possible extinction <strong>of</strong> American wildlife. They<br />

also began to create exhibits designed to inspire awe and sympathy for <strong>the</strong> natural world. By presenting lifelike American fauna in spectacular<br />

natural settings, museum <strong>of</strong>ficials hoped to convince visitors that such animals and environments were worth saving. To make<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir exhibits more persuasive, curators borrowed techniques from <strong>the</strong> window and display design <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> department stores so influential<br />

in this period. Museum exhibits increasingly used <strong>the</strong> techniques commercial establishments employed to make goods more desirable<br />

to consumers. These strategies <strong>of</strong> enticement proved wildly effective, and museum <strong>of</strong>ficials throughout <strong>the</strong> United States congratulated<br />

<strong>the</strong>mselves on <strong>the</strong>ir use <strong>of</strong> commercial means to accomplish educational and conservationist ends. And yet, <strong>the</strong> success <strong>of</strong> this<br />

kind <strong>of</strong> display also unnerved many curators. They worried <strong>the</strong>se displays were too visually compelling, and that museum visitors left<br />

coveting <strong>the</strong> displayed animals, ra<strong>the</strong>r than hoping to preserve <strong>the</strong>m. Some curators, aware <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> influence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> spectacle <strong>the</strong>y presented,<br />

refused to display endangered or particularly beautiful animals in habitat dioramas, fearing <strong>the</strong> desire evoked by such exhibitions<br />

would result in more harm than help for <strong>the</strong> animals depicted. Despite <strong>the</strong>se protests, American natural history museums continued<br />

“selling” nature to a receptive public. Inserted into elaborate displays, animals were commodified into interchangeable goods. This short<br />

paper will examine <strong>the</strong> alternately complementary and contradictory relationship between consumption and conservation at <strong>the</strong> begin-


ning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twentieth century as it was played out in habitat dioramas and o<strong>the</strong>r museum exhibits. The evolution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se museum<br />

exhibits not only illustrates <strong>the</strong> influence <strong>of</strong> commercial entertainment on representations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> natural world, but also begs scholars<br />

to ask if <strong>the</strong> ethos and practices <strong>of</strong> consumption and national conservation are ultimately mutually exclusive.<br />

Jimena Canales, Massachusetts Institute <strong>of</strong> Technology, (jcanales@mit.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country B<br />

AUTO, NOMOS, and MATIC: Boundaries Between “Impersonal” and “Personal” Representations<br />

In 1929 <strong>the</strong> experimental psychologist Edwin Boring considered all attempts to eliminate individual errors in scientific measurements<br />

through graphic methods “a paradox” since “<strong>the</strong>re can be no observation without an observer.” Although observation could never be<br />

entirely eliminated from science, Boring acknowledged that <strong>the</strong> automatic recording and inscription instruments used by scientists significantly<br />

reduced individual differences. During <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century <strong>the</strong> French astronomer Jules Janssen, creator <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> photographic<br />

revolver and one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> chief advocates <strong>of</strong> scientific photography, was particularly responsible for establishing new “impersonal”<br />

imaging techniques in science. This paper analyzes <strong>the</strong> standards that made scientists consider <strong>the</strong>se images “impersonal” and shows<br />

how <strong>the</strong>se criteria were contested by alternative artists (such as Zola) and scientists (such as Trouvelot). These standards, I claim, were<br />

connected to late nineteenth-century efforts to circumscribe <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> art as autonomous. Janssen actively supported <strong>the</strong> autonomous<br />

movement in <strong>the</strong> arts, first associated with Romanticism and later with Aes<strong>the</strong>ticism. By looking at <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> scientists in <strong>the</strong><br />

autonomous movement in <strong>the</strong> arts, it will become patent that science and scientists served in <strong>the</strong> programmatic concealment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

functions <strong>of</strong> purportedly purposeless art. Concomitantly, it was precisely in contrast to <strong>the</strong> alleged autonomy <strong>of</strong> art that science was<br />

found to speak truthfully about <strong>the</strong> world.<br />

Cathryn Carson, University <strong>of</strong> California, Berkeley (clcarson@socrates.berkeley.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

<strong>Science</strong>, Politics, and Instrumental Reason: Heidegger, Habermas, Heisenberg<br />

If post-WWII German intellectuals agreed on one thing, it was <strong>the</strong> instrumental character <strong>of</strong> modern natural science. <strong>Science</strong> was technological<br />

in essence; it approached <strong>the</strong> world from <strong>the</strong> standpoint <strong>of</strong> manipulation, mastery, and control. This notion did not arise in a<br />

vacuum. Growing from intellectual roots in Nietzsche, Dil<strong>the</strong>y, and Weber, it was worked out in direct dialogue with contemporary science<br />

and politics. The paired cases <strong>of</strong> Martin Heidegger and Jürgen Habermas make this context plain. In particular, each played <strong>of</strong>f<br />

<strong>the</strong> figure <strong>of</strong> Werner Heisenberg, a dominant actor in both West German science policy and humanistic understandings <strong>of</strong> science. For<br />

Heidegger and Habermas, Heisenberg came to figure as a last hope for deviation from <strong>the</strong> modern narrative <strong>of</strong> instrumentality, as science<br />

placed itself in <strong>the</strong> service <strong>of</strong> technological and political power; and <strong>the</strong>n, as he changed and <strong>the</strong>y changed, in strangely parallel<br />

fashion, as <strong>the</strong> age’s unthinking embodiment instead. The paper explores <strong>the</strong>ir exchanges as intellectual history and political history <strong>of</strong><br />

science. It seeks to explain how a new political consensus about science, crossing ideological divides, captured German intellectuals by<br />

<strong>the</strong> 1960s – at <strong>the</strong> same moment, ironically, as <strong>the</strong> federal government finally made <strong>the</strong> leap to a real science policy.<br />

Christopher Carter, Duke University (crc5@duke.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

Herschel, Humboldt, and Imperial <strong>Science</strong><br />

In <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century, geophysics and empire building developed in tandem, resulting in global science. Those sciences which focus<br />

upon <strong>the</strong> measurement <strong>of</strong> geophysical phenomena have come to be known to historians as “Humboldtian” because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> zeal <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

promoter. In <strong>18</strong>36, Humboldt challenged <strong>the</strong> Royal <strong>Society</strong> to establish observatories in British colonies for such scientific pursuits.<br />

Despite early attempts to carry out this plan, none were successful until <strong>the</strong> participation <strong>of</strong> John Herschel. Several elements made<br />

Herschel <strong>the</strong> ideal individual to carry out Humboldt’s proposed scheme. First, his philosophy <strong>of</strong> science held that inductive research<br />

had to occur on a vast scale in order to provide <strong>the</strong> logical necessity for physical laws. Second, his own colonial experiences while<br />

observing <strong>the</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Hemisphere from <strong>the</strong> Cape Colony had convinced him <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> scientific utility <strong>of</strong> colonial outposts. Finally, his<br />

almost unique position as an aristocrat who had inherited <strong>the</strong> scientific prestige <strong>of</strong> his fa<strong>the</strong>r, famed astronomer William Herschel,<br />

placed him in a position to interact both with members <strong>of</strong> Britain’s ruling class as well as its scientists. Herschel provided a crucial connection<br />

between philosophical, political and social elements. As a result, empirical science utilized <strong>the</strong> imperial structure to conduct<br />

research on a worldwide scale. At Herschel’s instigation, colonial observatories were added to <strong>the</strong> British venture for an Antarctic expedition<br />

known as <strong>the</strong> Magnetic Crusade. Herschel has <strong>of</strong>ten been portrayed as no more than <strong>the</strong> celebrity spokesman for this project, or<br />

else merely drafted into an existing plan really carried out by o<strong>the</strong>rs. I argue that Herschel’s influence was necessary not only for <strong>the</strong><br />

success <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> scientific lobby, but also in shaping <strong>the</strong> final form <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> project. The results <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Crusade were <strong>the</strong> culmination <strong>of</strong><br />

efforts in which Herschel had been involved for years.<br />

David Cassidy, H<strong>of</strong>stra University (chmdcc@optonline.net)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

Militarized <strong>Science</strong>: J. Robert Oppenheimer as Federal <strong>Science</strong> Advisor<br />

The stunning practical success <strong>of</strong> American military research during World War II propelled J. Robert Oppenheimer and a handful <strong>of</strong><br />

o<strong>the</strong>rs like him to national prominence as statesmen <strong>of</strong> science at <strong>the</strong> highest levels <strong>of</strong> government and culture, casting <strong>the</strong>m in new<br />

roles that required difficult adjustments for <strong>the</strong>m and <strong>the</strong>ir audience. As both physicist and cultural icon during <strong>the</strong> early cold war,


Oppenheimer stood at <strong>the</strong> intersection between federal demands upon militarized scientific research and <strong>the</strong> traditional ideals <strong>of</strong> enlightened<br />

science. This paper will explore <strong>the</strong> institutional and policy structure <strong>of</strong> cold war physics, Oppenheimer’s strategies as <strong>the</strong> nation’s<br />

leading science advisor for negotiating his vision <strong>of</strong> science and <strong>the</strong> state, how those strategies ultimately failed, and some striking parallels<br />

today as science advising experiences a similar crisis.<br />

Frederick Churchill, Indiana University, (churchil@indiana.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM – Texas Ballroom III<br />

The Biogenetic Law and its Paradoxes<br />

Common wisedom has held that Ernst Haeckel’s Fundamental Biogenetic Law reigned as part <strong>of</strong> a Darwinian-morphological paradigm,<br />

despite some scathing contemporary objections, until <strong>the</strong> first decades <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twentieth century. By <strong>the</strong>n, as traditional accounts continue,<br />

experimental embryology, Mendelian genetics and <strong>the</strong> weight <strong>of</strong> Haeckel’s own illogical pronouncements brought <strong>the</strong> paradigm to<br />

a ra<strong>the</strong>r abrupt end and replaced it with an early Twentieth Century outlook where experimentation, classical genetics, physiology and/or<br />

different pr<strong>of</strong>essional standards ruled. This explanation in terms <strong>of</strong> an historical “discontinuity” presents definite problems, which will<br />

be explored and perhaps explained (in part).<br />

Deborah Coen, Harvard University (coen@fas.harvard.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM – Texas Ballroom V<br />

Beyond Public and Private: <strong>Science</strong> and Liberalism in Imperial Austria<br />

Both historians <strong>of</strong> science and political historians have traditionally drawn a sharp division between <strong>the</strong> “public” and <strong>the</strong> “private.”<br />

According to traditional political histories <strong>of</strong> Central Europe, civic consciousness and rational discourse took root exclusively in <strong>the</strong> public<br />

sphere, <strong>the</strong> first through <strong>the</strong> rise <strong>of</strong> voluntary associations, <strong>the</strong> second through <strong>the</strong> spread <strong>of</strong> natural science. <strong>Science</strong> thus appears<br />

as a quintessentially public activity, from which private concerns were at best distractions. Indeed, in <strong>the</strong> historiography particularly <strong>of</strong><br />

Vienna circa 1900, <strong>the</strong> home typically appears as <strong>the</strong> inversion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> public sphere: <strong>the</strong> anti<strong>the</strong>sis <strong>of</strong> a voluntary association, an escape<br />

from political engagement, a realm <strong>of</strong> interiority and irrational emotions. Recently, however, Central European historians have begun to<br />

challenge this dichotomy, demonstrating that middle class homes were crucial sites for liberal self-fashioning and <strong>the</strong> negotiation <strong>of</strong><br />

political and economic power. The political and scientific significance <strong>of</strong> family life emerges clearly from my research on <strong>the</strong> most<br />

prominent family <strong>of</strong> scientists in imperial Vienna, <strong>the</strong> Exners. For <strong>the</strong> Exners and o<strong>the</strong>rs in <strong>the</strong>ir social network, <strong>the</strong> cultivation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

domestic sphere was itself a political activity. Through an experiment in living communally as an extended family, <strong>the</strong> Exners sought<br />

solutions to <strong>the</strong> central dilemma <strong>of</strong> Austrian liberalism: how to guard against <strong>the</strong> dogmatic absolutism <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir clerical opponents without<br />

giving up ground to <strong>the</strong> radical relativism <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir left-wing challengers.<br />

Jamie Cohen-Cole, University <strong>of</strong> Chicago (jamiecc@uchicago.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM – Texas Ballroom V<br />

Experimental Psychology and <strong>the</strong> Pr<strong>of</strong>essional Politics <strong>of</strong> Thinking About Thinking<br />

In <strong>the</strong> mid 20th century experimental psychology experienced a revolution in its model <strong>of</strong> human nature as cognitive science replaced<br />

behaviorism. This transition involved understanding people as active, creatively thinking beings, ra<strong>the</strong>r than as organisms that simply<br />

respond to environmental conditions. Philosophy <strong>of</strong> science was at <strong>the</strong> center <strong>of</strong> this transformation. Behaviorists held to a positivist<br />

line, and argued that science was a matter <strong>of</strong> recording and accounting for observable phenomena. They, as a consequence, left little<br />

space for consideration <strong>of</strong> such unobservable phenomena as mental processes. On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, cognitive scientists followed an antipositivist<br />

philosophy. They argued that science was and should be not primarily an empirical process. To early cognitive scientist,s science<br />

was <strong>the</strong>ory-driven even to <strong>the</strong> point that <strong>the</strong>ory determined and structured data. In arguing this anti-positivist philosophy, cognitive<br />

scientists made room for <strong>the</strong>ir own <strong>the</strong>ories and inferences about <strong>the</strong> human mind. Even more significant however is that cognitive<br />

scientists ascribed such anti-positivism not only to <strong>the</strong>mselves, but also to humans more generally. In <strong>the</strong> process, <strong>the</strong> normative<br />

philosophy <strong>of</strong> science (or “good academic thinking”) that cognitive scientists use to reshape <strong>the</strong> discipline <strong>of</strong> psychology became, at <strong>the</strong><br />

same time, <strong>the</strong> descriptive (and nominally value free) model <strong>of</strong> human nature.<br />

Alix Cooper, SUNY-Stony Brook (acooper@notes.cc.sunysb.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM – Texas Ballroom V<br />

The Nature <strong>of</strong> Home: Work, Gender, and Power in Early Modern Natural <strong>History</strong><br />

In early modern Europe, <strong>the</strong> pursuit <strong>of</strong> natural knowledge was, in great part, a family enterprise. In <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> researching women’s<br />

contributions to science, and more broadly issues <strong>of</strong> gender in science, historians <strong>of</strong> science have begun, over <strong>the</strong> past several decades,<br />

to uncover <strong>the</strong> numerous ways in which <strong>the</strong> actual practice <strong>of</strong> science in fields ranging from astronomy to botany depended on women’s<br />

unpaid (and <strong>of</strong>ten unrecognized) labor. As scholars like Londa Schiebinger have shown, wives and daughters frequently made <strong>the</strong> observations<br />

or performed <strong>the</strong> calculations required to sustain <strong>the</strong>ir male relatives’ scientific projects. What I propose to do in my paper is<br />

to apply <strong>the</strong>se insights more generally to <strong>the</strong> early modern family as a whole. In particular, I would like to explore <strong>the</strong> ways in which,<br />

within <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> natural history, research projects came to become <strong>the</strong> collective responsibility <strong>of</strong> entire households across generations&#8212;i.e.<br />

involving not only wives or daughters, but also sons, for example, as <strong>the</strong>y attempted to complete <strong>the</strong>ir fa<strong>the</strong>rs’ projects,<br />

and to make complex decisions about <strong>the</strong> division <strong>of</strong> scientific labor and <strong>the</strong> credit for that labor. Drawing on my research into<br />

cases such as that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Breyne family <strong>of</strong> late-seventeenth- and early-eighteenth-century Danzig, whose natural-historical observations


extended over three generations, and about whom a remarkable body <strong>of</strong> evidence survives, I hope to trace some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> complex ways<br />

in which issues <strong>of</strong> work, gender, and power shaped <strong>the</strong> enterprise <strong>of</strong> early modern natural history.<br />

Donald Cotter, Mount Holyoke College (wdcotter@mtholyoke.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country A<br />

A Converted Organic Chemist” and <strong>the</strong> Invention <strong>of</strong> American General Chemistry<br />

Although Alexander Smith (<strong>18</strong>64 – 1922) has been regarded as a minor figure in <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> American chemistry, his 1906 textbook,<br />

“Introduction to General Inorganic Chemistry”, was sufficiently innovative to make it, arguably, <strong>the</strong> first recognizably modern general<br />

chemistry text in English. Its novelty, and its continuing influence over <strong>the</strong> dissemination <strong>of</strong> chemical knowledge in <strong>the</strong> United States,<br />

arise from its successful syn<strong>the</strong>sis <strong>of</strong> Ionist physical chemistry, pervasive ma<strong>the</strong>matization, and a distinctly pr<strong>of</strong>essionalist approach to<br />

collegiate education. After introducing <strong>the</strong> case for Smith’s significance, this paper traces influential factors in Smith’s intellectual development<br />

and <strong>the</strong>ir consequences. Over <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> his first decade at <strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong> Chicago (<strong>18</strong>93 – 1903), Smith abandoned <strong>the</strong><br />

organic chemistry <strong>of</strong> his training. Reasons for this remarkable pr<strong>of</strong>essional transformation can be found in <strong>the</strong> confluence <strong>of</strong> many factors,<br />

including his research as a graduate student and as a newly independent pr<strong>of</strong>essional, his relationship with influential elders (his<br />

Ph.D. advisor, Ludwig Claisen, and his chairman at Chicago, John Ulric Nef), <strong>the</strong> difficult departmental politics at Chicago, and <strong>the</strong> sharp<br />

distinction between <strong>the</strong> epistemological and ontological styles <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> organic and physical chemistries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> day. Attention to <strong>the</strong> ways<br />

in which scientific knowledge is disseminated has revealed much about <strong>the</strong> practice <strong>of</strong> science and its growth. Smith’s story is an important<br />

part <strong>of</strong> that matrix that deserves to be better known.<br />

Hunter Crow<strong>the</strong>r-Heyck, University <strong>of</strong> Oklahoma (hch@ou.edu)<br />

Thursday, <strong>18</strong>-Nov-04, 5:00 - 7:00 PM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

The Program “Is” <strong>the</strong> Theory: The Search for a New Language for <strong>the</strong> Behavioral <strong>Science</strong>s in Postwar America<br />

One <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> great challenges confronting researchers in <strong>the</strong> biological and social sciences has been <strong>the</strong> representation <strong>of</strong> complex, path<br />

dependent systems, from <strong>the</strong> evolution <strong>of</strong> species in an ecosystem to <strong>the</strong> processes <strong>of</strong> learning and cognition in <strong>the</strong> human mind. In<br />

<strong>the</strong> mid-20th century, a number <strong>of</strong> changes in science, philosophy, and machinery combined to make <strong>the</strong> rigorous, formal analysis <strong>of</strong><br />

such organic phenomena appear to be newly feasible. At <strong>the</strong> same time, changes in <strong>the</strong> broader social context made such analyses newly<br />

marketable, especially to military patrons. This paper will discuss three such attempts: <strong>the</strong> early postwar use <strong>of</strong> information <strong>the</strong>ory and<br />

game <strong>the</strong>ory by experimental psychologists, such as George Miller, who were interested in understanding language, learning and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

sequential actions; <strong>the</strong> contemporaneous employment <strong>of</strong> information <strong>the</strong>ory, game <strong>the</strong>ory, and servomechanism <strong>the</strong>ory by decision <strong>the</strong>orists<br />

and operations researchers, such as Merrill Flood, who were interested in creating decision rules; and <strong>the</strong> subsequent embrace <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> computer program by cognitive psychologists, such as Herbert Simon, who saw <strong>the</strong> program as <strong>the</strong> only appropriate formalism for<br />

<strong>the</strong> description <strong>of</strong> complex, adaptive systems. All <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se innovations shared a common origin in <strong>the</strong> need to develop new formalisms<br />

in which one could describe contingent, sequential actions, and many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m shared an institutional locus: <strong>the</strong> organized effort by <strong>the</strong><br />

National Defense Research Council and <strong>the</strong> military research agencies to apply ma<strong>the</strong>matics to <strong>the</strong> problems <strong>of</strong> modern warfare, especially<br />

gunnery control, logistics, and human-machine interactions.<br />

Scott Curtis, Northwestern University (scurtis@northwestern.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM – Texas Ballroom VII<br />

As Tangible as Tissue: Arnold Gesell, Infant Behavior, and Film Analysis<br />

Arnold Gesell, one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most influential voices in developmental psychology, based his claims regarding normative child development<br />

on <strong>the</strong> thousands <strong>of</strong> feet <strong>of</strong> motion picture film he took <strong>of</strong> hundreds <strong>of</strong> children at <strong>the</strong> Clinic for Child Development at Yale University<br />

between 1924 and <strong>the</strong> late 1940s. From <strong>the</strong>se motion picture films, Gesell drew individual frames to illustrate his seminal work, An<br />

Atlas <strong>of</strong> Infant Behavior (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1934), which is still a standard text. In a foundational article published<br />

in 1935, he outlines <strong>the</strong> advantages <strong>of</strong> cinematography for behavior study, focusing especially on <strong>the</strong> detail <strong>the</strong> film record holds<br />

for <strong>the</strong> researcher: “The cinema records <strong>the</strong> behavior events in such coherent, au<strong>the</strong>ntic, and measurable detail that for <strong>the</strong> purposes <strong>of</strong><br />

study and research <strong>the</strong> reaction patterns <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> infant become as tangible as tissue.” This presentation will outline Gesell’s method <strong>of</strong><br />

filming, his method <strong>of</strong> analysis, and his assumptions about film, quantification, behavior, and <strong>the</strong> “tangibility” <strong>of</strong> that behavior. The<br />

paper argues that Gesell’s method was designed, first, to manage <strong>the</strong> detail <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cinematic image, and second, to extract useful, quantifiable<br />

information from that image. How he did this tells us much about both <strong>the</strong> state <strong>of</strong> child psychology at <strong>the</strong> time and <strong>the</strong> scientific<br />

use <strong>of</strong> motion pictures in general.<br />

Lucia Dacome, Wellcome Trust Centre for <strong>the</strong> <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> Medicine at UCL (l.dacome@ucl.ac.uk)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom VII<br />

Seeing Enlightenments: Anatomical Models and <strong>the</strong> Visual Regimes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Body in Eighteenth-Century Italy<br />

Anatomical models in wax promised to provide accurate insights into <strong>the</strong> inner body. Regarded as potential replacements <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> natural<br />

body, <strong>the</strong>y <strong>of</strong>fered a means to overcome traditional shortcomings related to <strong>the</strong> physical deterioration, bad smells and risks <strong>of</strong> contamination<br />

that characterized <strong>the</strong> messy setting <strong>of</strong> anatomical dissection. Sponsored by pope Benedict XIV and integrated among<br />

Grand Tour attractions, in mid- eighteenth-century Bologna anatomical models were regarded as curiosities as well as teaching<br />

objects, were turned into part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> local heritage, and stimulated a sense <strong>of</strong> collective pride and identity. As such, models lay at <strong>the</strong><br />

centre <strong>of</strong> a composite world <strong>of</strong> social interaction, and opened up <strong>the</strong> way to new forms <strong>of</strong> authorship related to <strong>the</strong> expertise <strong>of</strong>


wax-modellers. For example, <strong>the</strong>y granted fame and authority to a woman like <strong>the</strong> Bolognese Anna Morandi Manzolini (1714–1774),<br />

who continued to be celebrated in local gazettes as well as in Grand Tour reports into <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century. This paper will explore<br />

<strong>the</strong> social life <strong>of</strong> anatomical models by focusing on <strong>the</strong> socio-historical setting in which anatomical models contributed to re-define<br />

<strong>the</strong> notions <strong>of</strong> evidence and credibility supporting medical claims about <strong>the</strong> body.<br />

Dane Thor Daniel, Dibner Institute, MIT (danethor@mit.edu)<br />

Thursday, <strong>18</strong>-Nov-04, 5:00 - 7:00 PM - Texas Ballroom VII<br />

The Wandering Magus: Paracelsus’ Medical Practice<br />

Paracelsus is well-known for his invectives against <strong>the</strong> medical practice <strong>of</strong> university-trained physicians. He chastised <strong>the</strong>ir reliance on<br />

Aristotle and Galen and instead emphasized <strong>the</strong> medical import <strong>of</strong> alchemy, natural magic, and radical spiritualism. Paracelsus’ <strong>the</strong>ories<br />

have received much attention, but surprisingly little notice has been paid to <strong>the</strong> medical applications <strong>of</strong> his natural philosophy. Thus, in<br />

this paper I will first characterize Paracelsus’ itinerant medical practice and <strong>the</strong>n examine two <strong>of</strong> his medical prescriptions. I will argue<br />

that <strong>the</strong> relationship between Paracelsus’ <strong>the</strong>ory and practice is a complex one. Sometimes his speculative matter <strong>the</strong>ory plays an important<br />

role in his medical practice, but at o<strong>the</strong>r times he ignores his novel chemistry and reverts to traditional cures. To begin, I will show<br />

that Paracelsus’ practice was a mixture <strong>of</strong> preaching, alchemy, and surgery in <strong>the</strong> service <strong>of</strong> various European armies. I will underscore<br />

his promotion <strong>of</strong> magical powers and poisons, and belittlement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> establishment. Having discussed his medical context, I will <strong>the</strong>n<br />

look at two prescriptions written by Paracelsus. The first is housed in <strong>the</strong> National Library <strong>of</strong> Vienna and <strong>the</strong> second is contained in<br />

his fascinating correspondence with Erasmus <strong>of</strong> Rotterdam, who was briefly one <strong>of</strong> his patients. I examine <strong>the</strong>se documents in terms<br />

<strong>of</strong> Paracelsus’ lengthy discussions on <strong>the</strong> material cosmos and its relevance to his <strong>the</strong>rapeutic chemistry. The Vienna prescription shows<br />

that Paracelsus clearly dug into traditional medical practices, such as those associated with Galen, and not his speculative matter <strong>the</strong>ory.<br />

However, his suggestions to Erasmus were less conservative and incorporated his innovative chemistry. The picture that emerges is one<br />

<strong>of</strong> two seemingly different approaches. On <strong>the</strong> one hand, one might see a chasm between <strong>the</strong>ory and practice, between words and<br />

deeds. On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, <strong>the</strong>re are important ways in which his magically laced matter <strong>the</strong>ory surfaces fruitfully and predominately in<br />

his treatment <strong>of</strong> patients. As I emphasize in <strong>the</strong> conclusion, Paracelsus wrote voluminously about his chemical <strong>the</strong>ory, and yet many<br />

questions remain regarding how his speculations actually influenced his practice <strong>of</strong> medicine. While scholars <strong>of</strong> Paracelsiana agree that<br />

Paracelsus’ followers clearly sought to apply elements <strong>of</strong> his speculative philosophy to <strong>the</strong>ir medicine, <strong>the</strong>y tend to argue that this was<br />

not <strong>the</strong> case with Paracelsus himself. By pointing to <strong>the</strong> complexities <strong>of</strong> Paracelsus’ medical practice, however, I show that <strong>the</strong> issue<br />

deserves fur<strong>the</strong>r examination.<br />

Deepanwita Dasgupta, University <strong>of</strong> Minnesota (dasgu007@umn.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country A<br />

The Story <strong>of</strong> Engineering Education in India: <strong>Science</strong> Education within <strong>the</strong> Framework <strong>of</strong> a Colonial Requirement<br />

The present paper tells <strong>the</strong> story <strong>of</strong> a diffusion <strong>of</strong>_scientific/technological knowledge within a colonial context, that <strong>of</strong> 19 th century<br />

British India. It is argued that in general diffusion proceeds_through two important patterns: colonization by ano<strong>the</strong>r society or reconstruction/<br />

reorganization <strong>of</strong> a society’s knowledge base under its own policy. 19th century British India was an example <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first kind.<br />

This <strong>the</strong>me is explored by analyzing <strong>the</strong> story <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> engineering education in 19th century India. As an example <strong>of</strong> diffusion within<br />

colonial requirements, which was fundamentally flawed, we notice that it was remarkably under-productive in spite <strong>of</strong> much<br />

Government rhetoric. Overall, this was a case where <strong>the</strong> proposal to generate‚ technical knowledge or to ensure its integration‚ into<br />

indigenous knowledge failed to find a home within <strong>the</strong> parameters <strong>of</strong> colonial government policy. I argue that this episode gives us<br />

valuable clues on what to avoid for a successful knowledge transfer. The basic process <strong>of</strong> colonialism does not support a mechanism<br />

<strong>of</strong> positive feedback, which is essential for transfer and <strong>the</strong>refore defeats its own civilizing mission. Indeed, <strong>the</strong> above analysis shows<br />

why educational/research institutions <strong>of</strong> science in India <strong>of</strong>ten arose as a form <strong>of</strong> protest within <strong>the</strong> colonial framework. Growth <strong>of</strong><br />

Indian science thus took place through a mechanism which may be characteristic <strong>of</strong> colonial transfers.<br />

Frederick R. Davis, Florida State University (fdavis@fsul.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom VII<br />

The Naturalist Tradition and <strong>the</strong> Evolution <strong>of</strong> Conservation Biology<br />

Throughout <strong>the</strong> twentieth century, <strong>the</strong> naturalist tradition thrived in <strong>the</strong> Department <strong>of</strong> Zoology at <strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong> Florida. One <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> strongest proponents <strong>of</strong> natural history was Archie Carr, who was <strong>the</strong> world’s leading authority on <strong>the</strong> ecology and conservation <strong>of</strong><br />

sea turtles at <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> his death in 1987. Early in his career, Carr prepared classic natural histories and taxonomic studies <strong>of</strong> turtles.<br />

Later he studied <strong>the</strong> ecology and migrations <strong>of</strong> sea turtles. This research indicated that sea turtles needed conservation measures. Based<br />

on his scientific studies, Carr knew that only international efforts would protect such wide-ranging species. As director <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Marine<br />

Turtle Group for <strong>the</strong> International Union for <strong>the</strong> Conservation <strong>of</strong> Nature (IUCN), Carr advocated for such campaigns, and his activism<br />

anticipated <strong>the</strong> evolution <strong>of</strong> conservation biology as a new discipline.


Mioara Deac, University <strong>of</strong> Notre Dame (mioara.deac.1@nd.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom V<br />

Psychology, Vision, and <strong>the</strong> Late Nineteenth-Century Modernist Project<br />

My paper is an exploration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> connections between <strong>the</strong> late nineteenth-century ‘psychology <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> unconscious’ and <strong>the</strong> project <strong>of</strong><br />

aes<strong>the</strong>tic modernism. Drawing from <strong>the</strong> Kantian <strong>the</strong>me <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sublime, J. F. Lyotard has argued that modernity strove to make visible<br />

something that could be conceived but could not be seen. The endeavor <strong>of</strong> ‘visualizing <strong>the</strong> unseen’ was a pervasive <strong>the</strong>me in psychology,<br />

art, and physical sciences in <strong>the</strong> late nineteenth century: Symbolist art tried to render visible ‘<strong>the</strong> optical unconscious’, while <strong>the</strong><br />

newly discovered X-rays, as well as various photo-chemical techniques, tried to visualize a ‘previously unseen’ world through scientific<br />

methods. Also, in <strong>the</strong> last two decades <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century, <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> unconscious diffused from <strong>the</strong> philosophical realm<br />

into <strong>the</strong> psychological conceptualizations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> human mind, becoming by <strong>the</strong> turn <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> century one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> master metaphors in<br />

psychiatry. The speculative approach <strong>of</strong> Schopenhauer and von Hartmann was woven into a new cloth: what was unprecedented in<br />

<strong>the</strong> <strong>18</strong>80s was <strong>the</strong> attempt to ‘visualize’ <strong>the</strong> unconscious through psychological research. I examine <strong>the</strong> experimental and clinical investigation<br />

<strong>of</strong> phenomena such as hypnotism, hysteria, and hallucinations, in <strong>the</strong> psychological work <strong>of</strong> Alfred Binet, Harlow Gale, Morton<br />

Prince, Pierre Janet, Frederick Myers, and Frank Podmore. I relate <strong>the</strong>se trends in psychology to <strong>the</strong> ‘yearning for visualizability’ and<br />

<strong>the</strong> desire to ‘stabilize’ metaphysics, which characterized also <strong>the</strong> aes<strong>the</strong>tic modernity in <strong>the</strong> last two decades <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century.<br />

Michael R Dietrich, Dartmouth College (michael.dietrich@dartmouth.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

Reviving <strong>the</strong> Hopeful Monster: Richard Goldschmidt and Saltational Evolution<br />

Beginning in 1932, Richard Goldschmidt championed a saltational <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> evolution that integrated developmental biology, evolutionary<br />

biology, and genetics. While Goldschmidt’s efforts won him a reputation as a “scientific heretic,” his approach was not forgotten.<br />

In fact, a small but growing group <strong>of</strong> biologists have maintained an interest in Goldschmidt’s ideas and approach. This interest in<br />

Goldschmidt’s saltational ideas <strong>of</strong> hopeful monsters and developmental macromutations has become even more pronounced during <strong>the</strong><br />

recent surge <strong>of</strong> research in evo-devo. In this paper I will survey Goldschmidt’s saltational ideas and <strong>the</strong>ir subsequent fate in <strong>the</strong> biological<br />

community. I will argue that contemporary researchers who invoke Goldschmidt’s saltational ideas do not seem to be trading on<br />

his reputation as a heretic in <strong>the</strong> same way as had earlier “neo-Goldschmidtians.” The current revival <strong>of</strong> Goldschmidt’s views does not<br />

indicate that his ideas have been proven correct. Ra<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong> invocation <strong>of</strong> his work is no longer intended to shock, but to mark a reemerging<br />

field <strong>of</strong> research.<br />

John Paul DiMoia, Princeton University (jdimoia@princeton.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Hill Country B<br />

Teaching <strong>the</strong> Atom: AERI and <strong>the</strong> Origins <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> South Korean Nuclear Program, 1955-1959<br />

Following <strong>the</strong> Korean War (1950-1953), South Korea’s nascent scientific institutions and universities attempted to recover from <strong>the</strong> damage<br />

sustained during <strong>the</strong> previous three years. Under a commission from <strong>the</strong> Foreign Operations Administration, <strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong><br />

Minnesota undertook an intensive program <strong>of</strong> technical assistance with Seoul National University, <strong>the</strong> nation’s premier institution <strong>of</strong><br />

higher education, focusing initially on providing training in three critical areas: agriculture, engineering, and medicine. Amidst <strong>the</strong>se difficult<br />

circumstances, Korean atomic scientists began to undertake a series <strong>of</strong> ambitious new projects, requesting access to technical training<br />

and American atomic energy facilities as early as 1955. A number <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se researchers would subsequently attend <strong>the</strong> International<br />

School <strong>of</strong> Nuclear <strong>Science</strong> and Engineering at Argonne National Laboratory and <strong>the</strong> Oak Ridge Institute <strong>of</strong> Nuclear <strong>Science</strong>. This<br />

paper thus examines <strong>the</strong> Korean-American scientific relationship by looking at atomic exchange during <strong>the</strong> four year period leading up<br />

to <strong>the</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Atomic Energy Research Institute (AERI), a body comparable to <strong>the</strong> AEC. Established in <strong>the</strong> wake <strong>of</strong><br />

Eisenhower’s “Atoms for Peace” address <strong>of</strong> December 1953, AERI was designed to provide South Korea with a cheap, efficient source<br />

<strong>of</strong> energy, power which would subsequently drive <strong>the</strong> nation’s industrial and economic recovery. The collaborative relationship between<br />

American researchers and <strong>the</strong>ir Korean counterparts was complicated, however, by tensions centering on: (1) <strong>the</strong> proper approach to<br />

be taken toward nuclear power (research-based versus industrial), (2) <strong>the</strong> relationship between <strong>the</strong> construction <strong>of</strong> new facilities and <strong>the</strong><br />

larger Korean university community, and (3) <strong>the</strong> type and length <strong>of</strong> training necessary to undertake an atomic energy program. If <strong>the</strong><br />

successful start-up <strong>of</strong> South Korea’s first research reactor in 1962, along with its first commercial reactor in 1977, remains in part a legacy<br />

<strong>of</strong> this early period in <strong>the</strong> Korean-American collaborative relationship, South Korea has never<strong>the</strong>less pursued its own course in<br />

emphasizing this source <strong>of</strong> energy: nuclear power currently provides an estimated 39% <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nation’s energy needs at a time when<br />

many o<strong>the</strong>r countries have abandoned it and have instead sought alternative sources <strong>of</strong> power.<br />

Michael Eckert, Deutsches Museum (Munich) (m.eckert@deutsches-museum.de)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country B<br />

The DPG and “Aryan Physics”<br />

After <strong>the</strong> war, <strong>the</strong> German Physical <strong>Society</strong> used <strong>the</strong> successful fight against “Aryan Physics” as an example <strong>of</strong> how <strong>the</strong> society had resisted<br />

National Socialism. This paper examines <strong>the</strong>se claims critically, shedding light on <strong>the</strong> conflict over “Aryan Physics,” <strong>the</strong> conduct <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> society under National Socialism, and <strong>the</strong> postwar apologia.


M. D. Eddy, Dibner Institute, MIT (mdeddy@mit.edu)<br />

Thursday, <strong>18</strong>-Nov-04, 5:00 - 7:00 PM - Texas Ballroom VII<br />

Principles and Practice: Agricultural Chemistry in Scotland, 1770-<strong>18</strong>00<br />

The pre-eminent scientific institution <strong>of</strong> Enlightenment Scotland was <strong>the</strong> Royal <strong>Society</strong> <strong>of</strong> Edinburgh (RSE). Its reputation was well<br />

established in continental Europe and its resident members were drawn from <strong>the</strong> university and from a highly talented group <strong>of</strong> literati<br />

who lived within traveling distance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> city. In <strong>the</strong> past, studies <strong>of</strong> RSE fellows have focused upon members whose research proved<br />

to be <strong>of</strong> use to <strong>the</strong> emerging chemical, anatomical, and geological sciences <strong>of</strong> Victorian Britain. Though such a historiography has<br />

increased our knowledge <strong>of</strong> figures like Joseph Black, William Cullen, James Hutton, and John Playfair, <strong>the</strong> process by which <strong>the</strong>se<br />

philosophers and <strong>the</strong>ir contemporaries actually applied <strong>the</strong> experiments performed in Edinburgh?s laboratories to <strong>the</strong> improvement <strong>of</strong><br />

Scotland’s economy has been relatively ignored. To remedy this situation, this paper addresses <strong>the</strong> career <strong>of</strong> James Anderson (1739-<br />

<strong>18</strong>08), one <strong>of</strong> Edinburgh’s chemically trained literati. Anderson was a founding member <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> RSE and he nurtured a life-long interest<br />

in agricultural improvement. My essay will first address <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>oretical principles that guided Anderson’s inquiry into agricultural<br />

chemistry. Like so many <strong>of</strong> Edinburgh’s bright adolescents, Anderson attended <strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong> Edinburgh, especially <strong>the</strong> chemistry<br />

lectures <strong>of</strong> William Cullen. Particular attention will be given to Anderson’s understanding <strong>of</strong> principle-based chemistry and its application<br />

to mineralogical classification. After his studies at Edinburgh, Anderson went on to apply his knowledge <strong>of</strong> chemistry to his own<br />

farm in Monkshill, Aberdeenshire and in several ‘fact finding’ tours <strong>of</strong> Scotland which were funded by <strong>the</strong> government. To explore<br />

how Anderson practically applied <strong>the</strong> chemistry he learned from Cullen, <strong>the</strong> second section looks at Anderson’s A Practical Treatise on<br />

Peat Moss (1794), An Essay on Quick-Lime, as a Cement and as a Manure (1799) and <strong>the</strong> highly popular An Account <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Present State <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Hebrides and Western Coasts <strong>of</strong> Scotland (1785). However, Anderson was not content with simply writing about chemical utility and <strong>the</strong> last<br />

section <strong>of</strong> this paper explores how he used this knowledge as a rhetorical backdrop for several treatises that he wrote on Scotland’s economy.<br />

To excavate his thoughts on <strong>the</strong>se topics, I will look at Observations on <strong>the</strong> Effects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Coal Duty (1792) and General View <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Agriculture? in Aberdeen (1794). I will conclude with a few remarks on how <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>oretical and practical aspects <strong>of</strong> Anderson?s career<br />

point to a more nuanced view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> utilitarian interests <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> RSE.<br />

Fa-ti Fan, State University <strong>of</strong> New York at Binghamton (ffan@binghamton.edu )<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country A<br />

Natural <strong>History</strong> in Chinese-Western Encounter<br />

This paper compares two parallel and interrelated movements <strong>of</strong> scientific knowledge in China during <strong>the</strong> second half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nineteenth<br />

century. On <strong>the</strong> one hand, it examines how Western naturalists and <strong>the</strong>ir Chinese associates carried out research into traditional Chinese<br />

lore about nature. They collaborated in interviewing Chinese people, translating Chinese literature, and o<strong>the</strong>r activities for <strong>the</strong> purpose<br />

<strong>of</strong> collecting scientific data. On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, <strong>the</strong> paper looks at <strong>the</strong> efforts <strong>of</strong> Chinese and Western intellectuals to introduce Western<br />

natural history into China by translating Western scientific texts and establishing natural history museums. The paper focuses on two<br />

groups <strong>of</strong> historical actors: first, an intellectual network in Shanghai that comprised <strong>of</strong> Western missionaries and science advisors as well<br />

as Chinese <strong>of</strong>ficials and intellectuals; second, Chinese visitors to Europe who were interested in science, particularly natural history. By<br />

tracing <strong>the</strong> formation and transmission <strong>of</strong> scientific knowledge in cultural encounter, <strong>the</strong> paper provides a new perspective in understanding<br />

<strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> natural history in global context.<br />

Philipp Felsch, Max-Planck-Institute for <strong>the</strong> <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong> (felsch@mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom V<br />

Laboratory Landscapes. Angelo Mosso and <strong>the</strong> Mountains <strong>of</strong> Fatigue, <strong>18</strong>75 - 1900<br />

Angelo Mosso, <strong>the</strong> Italian pioneer <strong>of</strong> physiological fatigue research and subsequent founder <strong>of</strong> a European science <strong>of</strong> work, presumably<br />

has never been inside <strong>of</strong> a factory. A skilled mountaineer, he conducted most <strong>of</strong> his research in <strong>the</strong> Alps – as did many French and<br />

German colleagues who were equally involved in <strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong> physiological <strong>the</strong>rmodynamics (e.g. Adolf Fick, Auguste Chauveau,<br />

Hugo Kronecker, Nathan Zuntz). During <strong>the</strong> last decades <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 19th century, <strong>the</strong> Alpine “laboratory landscape” connected climbing<br />

pr<strong>of</strong>essors with physiological recording instruments, sublime aes<strong>the</strong>tics, and bourgeois morals <strong>of</strong> arduousness, generating an experimental<br />

culture that shaped <strong>the</strong> epistemic design <strong>of</strong> future energetic physiology – such as <strong>the</strong> extension <strong>of</strong> “fatigue” from <strong>the</strong> muscles to sensory<br />

and psychic phenomena, and <strong>the</strong> high concern for individual physiognomies <strong>of</strong> exhaustion. Drawing largely upon Mosso’s unpublished<br />

notebooks and correspondence, my paper aims to show how <strong>the</strong> sublime and trembling moment on <strong>the</strong> summit – since romanticism<br />

a sought-after source for conventional ecstasy – was translated into graphic tracings <strong>of</strong> fatigue.<br />

Della D. Fenster, University <strong>of</strong> Richmond (dfenster@richmond.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country D<br />

Leonard Dickson: You Can Take <strong>the</strong> Man Out <strong>of</strong> Texas But not <strong>the</strong> Texas Out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Man


The American ma<strong>the</strong>matician Leonard Dickson played a key role in <strong>the</strong> consolidation and growth <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> American ma<strong>the</strong>matical<br />

research community in <strong>the</strong> opening decades <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twentieth century primarily from his position at <strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong> Chicago. His seminal<br />

publications and voluminous output (more than 300 manuscripts and <strong>18</strong> books over a forty-year career) reflected a dogged work<br />

ethic and fiercely independent personality that proved critical in <strong>the</strong> process that propelled American research-level ma<strong>the</strong>matics forward<br />

as American science developed in general. This particular combination <strong>of</strong> qualities distinguished Dickson from his contemporaries<br />

in an energetic ma<strong>the</strong>matical community that acquired not only momentum but also, increasingly, worldwide respect in <strong>the</strong> first four<br />

decades <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twentieth century. A native Texan, Dickson was a fascinating character in <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> ma<strong>the</strong>matics, and <strong>the</strong> history<br />

<strong>of</strong> science more generally. This talk, highlighting material culled from The Center for American <strong>History</strong> in The University <strong>of</strong> Texas<br />

Archives, will emphasize how Dickson’s Texas heritage influenced his personality and his pr<strong>of</strong>essional career.<br />

Mary Carmel Finley, University <strong>of</strong> California, San Diego (mfinley@ucsd.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Hill Country C<br />

All <strong>the</strong> Fish in <strong>the</strong> Sea: <strong>Science</strong> and <strong>the</strong> Development <strong>of</strong> Maximum Sustained Yield (MSY)<br />

In 1955, experts from 45 countries convened in Rome under <strong>the</strong> sponsorship <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Food and Agricultural Organization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United<br />

Nations for <strong>the</strong> International Technical Conference on <strong>the</strong> Living Resources <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sea. Participants adopted Maximum Sustained Yield<br />

(MSY) as <strong>the</strong> goal <strong>of</strong> international fisheries management. Participants worked to develop a “scientific basis for a conservation plan,”<br />

but <strong>the</strong> goal and was deeply embedded in <strong>the</strong> social and political events <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1950s, in which increasing <strong>the</strong> harvest from <strong>the</strong> sea was<br />

seen as a solution to problems <strong>of</strong> world hunger and world peace.<br />

Saul Fisher, The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation (sf@mellon.org)<br />

Saturday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Big Bend A, B, & C<br />

Gassendi and Puy-de-Dôme: Abandoning <strong>the</strong> “Regressus” for a Method <strong>of</strong> Hypo<strong>the</strong>sis<br />

Does Pierre Gassendi employ <strong>the</strong> “regressus” method <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “Institutio Logica” in his own scientific practice? To answer this question<br />

I examine Gassendi’s most detailed reasoning about experimental episodes—his accounts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> barometric and vacuum-related experiments<br />

<strong>of</strong> 1648. This case study should show that his scientific practice conforms to <strong>the</strong> method <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “Institutio” just in case <strong>the</strong> reasoning<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se accounts may be construed as plausible instances <strong>of</strong> ‘probabilist’ deductive brand <strong>of</strong> argument, and as comprising resolution<br />

or composition steps performed to realize discovery tasks. Yet <strong>the</strong> reasoning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se experimental accounts instead fits poorly<br />

with, or runs orthogonal to, <strong>the</strong> prescribed method <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “Institutio.” In Gassendi’s reconstruction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Pascalian barometry<br />

experiment, <strong>the</strong> search for <strong>the</strong> middle term is rife with mystery—<strong>the</strong>re is no univocal way to reconstruct <strong>the</strong> reasoning that underlies<br />

each account in syllogistic form. In addition, it is a daunting if not unfeasible task to find a judgment-realizing step that corresponds<br />

to <strong>the</strong> discovery-realizing step which is <strong>the</strong> primary feature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se experimental accounts. Even more importantly, <strong>the</strong>se experimental<br />

analyses reveal a central methodological issue not as much as glanced upon in <strong>the</strong> “Institutio” perspective: what are <strong>the</strong> guidelines<br />

for hypo<strong>the</strong>tical reasoning? Though Gassendi maintains a vision <strong>of</strong> science based on information from <strong>the</strong> senses, his own reasoning<br />

in <strong>the</strong>se and o<strong>the</strong>r writings relies on hypo<strong>the</strong>tical assumptions for which we have no direct sensory evidence. Indeed, he follows a familiar<br />

method <strong>of</strong> hypo<strong>the</strong>sis, embracing substantive assumptions about <strong>the</strong> kinds <strong>of</strong> causes <strong>the</strong>re may be, deducing <strong>the</strong>ir effects, and <strong>the</strong>n<br />

explaining <strong>the</strong> data as effects <strong>of</strong> only such causes. (Notably, he assumes that only a corpuscularian-mechanical picture and an interparticulate<br />

void allow for <strong>the</strong> motion <strong>of</strong> bodies.) I briefly sketch Gassendi’s views—quite apart from his “regressus” method <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

“Institutio” —as to what proper role such assumptions may have in advancing empirical inquiry, and how he believes we are to judge<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir merits and admissibility.<br />

Jed Foland, University <strong>of</strong> Massachusetts, Amherst (foland@history.umass.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Crossing Species: Buffon and <strong>the</strong> <strong>Science</strong> <strong>of</strong> Experimentation.<br />

Georges-Louis Leclerc, Comte de Buffon spent a lifetime collecting and cataloging <strong>the</strong> known species <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world. In order to organize<br />

creatures, he developed a unique system <strong>of</strong> classification which differentiated species based on <strong>the</strong>ir ability to reproduce fertile <strong>of</strong>fspring.<br />

To determine reproducibility, Buffon conducted inter-species breeding experiments. Buffon also undertook microscopic observations<br />

involving sperm as well as vivisection experiments in order to determine <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> fertilization. For <strong>the</strong>se and o<strong>the</strong>r scientific<br />

endeavors, Buffon converted his own estate at Montbard into an extensive botanical garden and he transformed <strong>the</strong> Paris Jardin du<br />

Roi into an elaborate center for scientific investigation. This research documents Buffon’s unique methods <strong>of</strong> experimentation. Such an<br />

examination will explain <strong>the</strong> logic behind his <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> species degeneration as well as <strong>the</strong> canon <strong>of</strong> reproductive knowledge which<br />

would persist until Darwin’s <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> evolution.<br />

Brian Frehner, University <strong>of</strong> Oklahoma (bfrehner@ou.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Mapping Nature: The Role <strong>of</strong> Field Work in <strong>the</strong> Oklahoma Geological Survey<br />

The state <strong>of</strong> Oklahoma’s efforts to promote innovations in <strong>the</strong> science <strong>of</strong> petroleum geology in <strong>the</strong> early-twentieth century produced


some tangible benefits, but <strong>the</strong> state potentially retarded innovation when administrators overestimated <strong>the</strong>ir ability to map <strong>the</strong> natural<br />

world. The life <strong>of</strong> petroleum geologist Charles Gould illustrates how scientists who worked as government agents faced enormous pressure<br />

to produce information in order to meet <strong>the</strong> demands <strong>of</strong> business, government, and <strong>the</strong> scientific community. Each <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se constituencies<br />

in Oklahoma <strong>of</strong>ten looked to Gould to provide <strong>the</strong>m with information to locate oil. Gould began teaching geology at <strong>the</strong><br />

University <strong>of</strong> Oklahoma in 1900, served as state geologist, and by 1920 had distinguished himself as <strong>the</strong> foremost expert <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />

Plains’ geology. Whe<strong>the</strong>r he succeeded in his mandate as a state <strong>of</strong>ficial to provide <strong>the</strong> information <strong>the</strong>se different constituencies needed<br />

is <strong>the</strong> central question this study attempts to answer. As James C. Scott has argued in Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve<br />

<strong>the</strong> Human Condition Have Failed, many state efforts “to make a society legible” by mapping its people and resources <strong>of</strong>ten failed because<br />

<strong>the</strong>y invested too much faith in science and technology. The state <strong>of</strong> Oklahoma <strong>of</strong>ten failed for reasons very similar to those described<br />

by Scott. As <strong>the</strong> first director <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Oklahoma Geological Survey, Gould undertook a massive effort to map <strong>the</strong> state’s resources. He<br />

taught a cadre <strong>of</strong> graduate students how to locate natural resources through field work, but he and his students many <strong>of</strong> whom he later<br />

employed did not attempt to incorporate <strong>the</strong> knowledge so-called practical oil men generated from <strong>the</strong>ir encounters with nature while<br />

“wildcatting” in <strong>the</strong> hills <strong>of</strong> Oklahoma. As Scott argues, state agents’ unwillingness to take seriously <strong>the</strong> “indispensable role <strong>of</strong> practical<br />

knowledge” and “informal processes” that governed local populations’ interactions with <strong>the</strong> natural world <strong>of</strong>ten accounted for <strong>the</strong><br />

failure <strong>of</strong> many states to administer <strong>the</strong>ir domains. Although <strong>the</strong> Oklahoma Geological Survey was not a complete failure, it demonstrated<br />

a pattern very similar to that which undermined state authority in o<strong>the</strong>r societies.<br />

John P. Friesen, University <strong>of</strong> Leeds (phljpf@leeds.ac.uk)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom V<br />

Newtonian Natural Philosophy and <strong>the</strong> Ancients- Moderns Controversy at Christ Church Oxford<br />

In recent decades scholars have noted many Tory High-Church supporters <strong>of</strong> Newton in <strong>the</strong> early eighteenth century. What has yet to<br />

be adequately explored is <strong>the</strong> extent and nature <strong>of</strong> this support given fears that <strong>the</strong> Anglican Church was in danger from Whigs and<br />

Low-Churchmen and <strong>the</strong> connections between Newton and anti-Trinitarian heresy during this period. This presentation explains how<br />

Newton and his natural philosophy could be supported and promoted by opponents <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> post 1688 revolutionary settlement in<br />

England. At Tory institutions such as Christ Church Oxford Newtonian natural philosophy was taught by David Gregory and John Keill<br />

as well as <strong>the</strong> physician John Freind. These men had close political, religious and cultural ties with Tory literary men like Francis<br />

Atterbury and William King as well as <strong>the</strong> satirists John Arbuthnot, Alexander Pope and Jonathan Swift. These men took an active role<br />

in <strong>the</strong> ancients-moderns controversy defending ancient knowledge against large claims made for modern learning by <strong>the</strong> Whigs Richard<br />

Bentley and William Wotton. This presentation shows how Gregory, Keill and Friend argued that Newtonian natural philosophy represented<br />

a revival <strong>of</strong> ancient lost knowledge; Newton was thus not a vain modern whose <strong>the</strong>ories surpassed those <strong>of</strong> previous thinkers,<br />

instead his system represented a restoration <strong>of</strong> ancient cosmological ideas. Tory High-Church natural philosophers could represent<br />

Newton as a champion for <strong>the</strong> ancients and as a modest pious natural philosopher, unlike many contemporary thinkers who used reason<br />

to undermine established authority, intellectual and divine. There is evidence that <strong>the</strong> teachings <strong>of</strong> Christ Church Newtonians penetrated<br />

<strong>the</strong> broader milieu <strong>of</strong> Tory High-Church literary wits. This may partly explain <strong>the</strong> few direct attacks on Newton by Tory satirists<br />

<strong>of</strong> science in <strong>the</strong> early eighteenth century despite <strong>the</strong> many Whig and Low-Church supporters <strong>of</strong> Newton during this period.<br />

Xaq Frohlich, Massachusetts Institute <strong>of</strong> Technology (frohlich@mit.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Big Bend D & E<br />

Origins <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> US “Sound <strong>Science</strong>” Rationale and its Confrontation with Europe’s “Precautionary Principle” Over GM Foods<br />

By <strong>the</strong> late 1990s, policy debates over genetically modified (GM) foods became <strong>the</strong> center <strong>of</strong> international tensions over trade, characterized<br />

by Europe’s generally more critical attitude towards biotechnology than that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> US. As European nations began to impose<br />

trade-barriers on <strong>the</strong> unpopular products, disputes between US and European government <strong>of</strong>ficials spilled over into international trade<br />

arenas, culminating in <strong>the</strong> opposing rationales <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> US’s “sound science” and Europe’s “precautionary principle.” While many attribute<br />

<strong>the</strong> stand<strong>of</strong>f to irreconcilable cultural differences, that Europeans were “risk-averse” and Americans “risk-prone”, one had only to<br />

look to <strong>the</strong> 1970s NIH moratorium on recombinant DNA research to find <strong>the</strong> roles reversed, with US scientists responding to uncertain<br />

risks with “undue” precaution. How did such a policy reversal in <strong>the</strong> US regarding genetically modified organisms come about?<br />

This paper examines four phenomena, which led to a shift in <strong>the</strong> US in <strong>the</strong> intervening years from precautionary concern over GMOs<br />

to an enthusiasm backed by “sound science”: 1) a shift in <strong>the</strong> political atmosphere surrounding scientific research in general, from <strong>the</strong><br />

1970s anti-war distrust to a 1980s global economic technology imperative, 2) in <strong>the</strong> wake <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rDNA debates, lingering frustrations<br />

and sensitivities <strong>of</strong> US scientists and <strong>of</strong>ficials regarding <strong>the</strong> encroachment <strong>of</strong> public debacle into scientific controversies, 3) <strong>the</strong> continued<br />

lack <strong>of</strong> observed hazards—despite increasing use and release—that became <strong>the</strong> de facto “evidence” for <strong>the</strong> safety <strong>of</strong> rDNA products,<br />

and 4) <strong>the</strong> post-Asilomar acceptance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> molecular characterization <strong>of</strong> rDNA products as “substantially equivalent,” despite<br />

remaining uncertainty. Meanwhile, I will discuss how political movements in Europe took an opposite path regarding genetic technologies,<br />

food safety, agriculture and <strong>the</strong> environment, resulting in <strong>the</strong> stand<strong>of</strong>f with <strong>the</strong> US in <strong>the</strong> 1990s. While it is unclear whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong><br />

current GM food moratorium in Europe will follow <strong>the</strong> path <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1970s US rDNA moratorium and give way to technological imperatives,<br />

<strong>the</strong> similarities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> two debates raise questions as to <strong>the</strong> extent to which such controversies are caused by transitory social and<br />

economic conditions ra<strong>the</strong>r than intractable cultural differences.<br />

Bernd Gausemeier, MPG-Forschungsprogramm (gausemeier@mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de)


Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

<strong>Science</strong> or Politics?: Nazi Racial Biology, ‘Pure Genetics’ and <strong>the</strong> Rockefeller Foundation Connection<br />

Unitl <strong>the</strong> mid 1930s, eugenics was viewed as an international movement adhered to by renowned biomedical scientists worldwide. The<br />

experience <strong>of</strong> National Socialist “racial policy,” however, challenged <strong>the</strong> claims that eugenics was a project based merely on scientific<br />

insights. This paper will discuss how <strong>the</strong> boundaries between <strong>the</strong> scientific and politcial sphere were redefined in a situation <strong>of</strong> extreme<br />

political dension during <strong>the</strong> early years <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Third Reich by examining <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Rockefeller Foundation. Prior to 1933, <strong>the</strong><br />

Foundation unerwrote projects directly related to German eugenics. After <strong>the</strong> “Nazi seizure <strong>of</strong> power,” however, <strong>the</strong> foundation was<br />

under pressure to question its German support. Yet <strong>the</strong> Foundation had difficulties rejecting <strong>the</strong> new German regime outright, since it<br />

defined itself as a strictly non-political organization. Interestingly, this tension had repercussions on German science, as <strong>the</strong> Foundation<br />

restricted its financial support to German scientists regarded as “untainted” with “racial questions.” As a result,<strong>the</strong> Foundation regarded<br />

‘pure geneticists” as better representatives <strong>of</strong> German science than <strong>the</strong>ir more overtly politicized biomedical counterparts. For <strong>the</strong><br />

Nazi regime, <strong>the</strong> international contacts <strong>of</strong> its most esteemed “pure geneticists” had an inestimable value in a double sense: <strong>the</strong>y were<br />

effective “goodwill ambassadors,” and <strong>the</strong>y were living pro<strong>of</strong> that German genetics, lauded as <strong>the</strong> basis for racial policy under <strong>the</strong> swastika,<br />

was not a domain <strong>of</strong> quacks.<br />

Monika Gisler, University <strong>of</strong> Basel/University <strong>of</strong> California, Los Angeles (gisler@sed.ethz.ch)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Interpereting Earthquakes in <strong>18</strong>th Century Protestant Switzerland: Between <strong>Science</strong> and Theology<br />

The century <strong>of</strong> Enlightenment was devoted to <strong>the</strong> idea <strong>of</strong> a harmonious world designed by God. In this concept, no space was left for<br />

a perception <strong>of</strong> a natural world with an arbitrary fate. Everything had to be put in order, and was classified with <strong>the</strong> intention <strong>of</strong> referring<br />

to <strong>the</strong> vision <strong>of</strong> a harmonious world and wise order. This world was described as teleologically structured, according to <strong>the</strong> wise<br />

plan <strong>of</strong> God. Therein <strong>the</strong> arbitrary must have a purpose on a higher level, <strong>the</strong> negative must be positive, <strong>the</strong> useless must serve a use.<br />

The teleology <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> negative was successful, when nature itself let loose its threats. Natural disasters had thus to be explained, to integrate<br />

<strong>the</strong>m in <strong>the</strong> new concept. After having been understood and rationalized, <strong>the</strong>y could be integrated into <strong>the</strong> optimistic vision <strong>of</strong> a<br />

“good world”. In my paper I will present some endeavors to explain earthquakes by <strong>18</strong>th century protestant naturalists in Switzerland.<br />

Their interpretations can be read as attempts to decipher God in nature: if <strong>the</strong> intentions <strong>of</strong> God in processes and rules <strong>of</strong> nature<br />

became understandable with <strong>the</strong> help <strong>of</strong> science, God’s will could be calculated. Simultaneously, this would justify scientific research –<br />

it could no longer be considered an invasion into <strong>the</strong> sphere <strong>of</strong> God. Their considerations dealt with patterns <strong>of</strong> both reason and belief.<br />

This had long been ignored or rejected as apologetic by a scientific history that focused first if all on <strong>the</strong> modernity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se researchers.<br />

In my paper I tend to speak <strong>of</strong> a conceptualized history <strong>of</strong> science that involves <strong>the</strong> social and cultural exogenous factors <strong>of</strong> knowledge-production<br />

and scientific development. As a consequence, <strong>the</strong> dialectic production <strong>of</strong> scientific knowledge with <strong>the</strong> respective religious<br />

background during <strong>the</strong> <strong>18</strong>th century may no longer be read as anti-modernized or pre-scientific.<br />

Anne Katrine Gjerløff, Department <strong>of</strong> <strong>History</strong>, University <strong>of</strong> Copenhagen (akg@hum.ku.dk)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country B<br />

Adventures <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ape: Popularizations <strong>of</strong> Paleoanthropology in Denmark in <strong>the</strong> 20th Century<br />

Paleoanthropology is among <strong>the</strong> most popular and popularized natural sciences as <strong>the</strong> amount <strong>of</strong> literature testifies. This paper presents<br />

<strong>the</strong> results <strong>of</strong> a comprehensive study <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> literature on <strong>the</strong> evolution <strong>of</strong> man in Denmark in <strong>the</strong> 20th century, including schoolbooks,<br />

monographs, fiction, museum-catalogues and popular science magazines. The study reveals how <strong>the</strong> paleoanthropological knowledge<br />

enters society and is altered according to <strong>the</strong> genres <strong>of</strong> popularization, <strong>the</strong> public attitude to <strong>the</strong> subject and <strong>the</strong> international scientific<br />

developements and it allows fur<strong>the</strong>r conclusions about <strong>the</strong> relationship between science, society and <strong>the</strong> construction <strong>of</strong> knowledge<br />

as well as it demonstrates <strong>the</strong> various connections between <strong>the</strong>ories <strong>of</strong> human evolution and <strong>the</strong> selfconcept <strong>of</strong> modern man.<br />

Sander Glib<strong>of</strong>f, Indiana University (sglib<strong>of</strong>f@indiana.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

Ernst Haeckel and <strong>the</strong> Mechanical Causes <strong>of</strong> Ontogeny<br />

Despite his prominence as a Darwinian in <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century, Ernst Haeckel was depicted in <strong>the</strong> early twentieth as an anachronism.<br />

The pioneering historian <strong>of</strong> biology Erik Nordenskïold, for example, said he had revived an obsolescent romanticism in <strong>18</strong>66 and clung<br />

to it dogmatically for over half a century <strong>the</strong>reafter. Yet Haeckel was anything but unresponsive to scientific developments after <strong>18</strong>66.<br />

In particular, Haeckel’s exchanges with embryologist Wilhelm His in <strong>the</strong> <strong>18</strong>70s, over <strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong> “mechanistic” causes in development<br />

and <strong>the</strong> validity <strong>of</strong> historical inference and explanation, had a lasting effect on his thinking. The experience colored Haeckel’s outlook<br />

on later advances in biology, in which he perceived renewed threats <strong>of</strong> ahistorical thinking like that <strong>of</strong> His. This helps explain his negative<br />

assessments <strong>of</strong> Weismann’s neo-Darwinism, Roux’s Entwicklungsmechanik, and even Mendelism and mutatonism—assessments<br />

that in turn made him look like an obstacle to progress in some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first histories <strong>of</strong> modern biology.<br />

Daniel Goldstein, University <strong>of</strong> California, Davis (dgoldstein@ucdavis.edu)


Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Great Expectations: The Intellectual Context for State Geological and Natural <strong>History</strong> Surveys in Antebellum America<br />

By <strong>18</strong>60, 30 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 33 states in <strong>the</strong> Union had established geological surveys. In order to understand why so many states regarded inventories<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir flora, fauna, and minerals as a necessary government function we need to remember that antebellum Americans believed<br />

that <strong>the</strong>y lived first, in a world designed and created by a benevolent deity and second, in a nation uniquely favored by that God. Survey<br />

supporters argued, logically in this context, that since God wished <strong>the</strong> United States to prosper and expand, He ensured that <strong>the</strong><br />

resources that Americans would need were placed where <strong>the</strong>y would be needed. It was thus incumbent on each state to identify <strong>the</strong><br />

resources that would set it on its unique path to preordained prosperity. This paper explores <strong>the</strong> internal logic <strong>of</strong> this belief system and<br />

explains how it led to <strong>the</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state surveys. It also shows how this activity was given added impetus by o<strong>the</strong>r contemporaneous<br />

movements—especially <strong>the</strong> annexation <strong>of</strong> Indian lands. Opponents <strong>of</strong> Indian territorial sovereignty argued that <strong>the</strong>y were<br />

morally justified in taking <strong>the</strong> land because Indians were not using it as God intended. Surveys would ensure that white Americans fully<br />

(and in this context) morally exploited <strong>the</strong>ir divinely designed environment.<br />

Lynn Gorchov, Oberlin College (lynn.gorchov@oberlin.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Hill Country C<br />

Dismissing <strong>the</strong> Experts: The 1950 Senate Sex Perversion Hearings<br />

While most historians have characterized <strong>the</strong> 1950s as a period when social scientists and psychiatrists were ascendant in American culture,<br />

<strong>the</strong> 1950 U.S. Senate hearings on “The Employment <strong>of</strong> Homosexuals and O<strong>the</strong>r Sex Perverts in Government” demonstrate <strong>the</strong><br />

relative ineffectuality <strong>of</strong> social scientific and psychiatric expertise in influencing federal policy on sexuality. My paper shows how testimony<br />

by intelligence <strong>of</strong>ficials and police vice squad detectives, not <strong>the</strong> recently published findings <strong>of</strong> Alfred Kinsey or <strong>the</strong> testimony <strong>of</strong><br />

psychiatrists, led <strong>the</strong> federal government to ban homosexuals from Civil Service employment.<br />

Michael D. Gordin, Princeton University (mgordin@princeton.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Hill Country A<br />

The Weekday Chemist: Music, <strong>Science</strong>, Training, and Aleksandr Borodin<br />

Ever since <strong>the</strong> days <strong>of</strong> George Sarton, Aleksandr Borodin (<strong>18</strong>33-<strong>18</strong>87) has been elusive prey for historians <strong>of</strong> science. Educated at <strong>the</strong><br />

Medico-Surgical Academy in St. Petersburg as a physician and <strong>the</strong>n sent abroad to Heidelberg for postdoctoral work in chemistry, he<br />

was employed from his return in <strong>18</strong>62 until his death at his alma mater as pr<strong>of</strong>essor <strong>of</strong> organic chemistry. His initially promising experimental<br />

researches soon dribbled to next to nothing by <strong>the</strong> early <strong>18</strong>70s, and aside from some brief and not very heated (by Russian standards)<br />

priority altercations with August Kekulé and Adolphe Wurtz, he leaves a small but significant mark on <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> Russian<br />

chemistry. Yet <strong>the</strong>re is more secondary literature on Aleksandr Borodin than on almost any o<strong>the</strong>r Imperial Russian chemist. For aside<br />

from his organic chemistry, Borodin also spent his time composing music, much <strong>of</strong> it quite famous (<strong>the</strong> opera “Prince Igor,” <strong>the</strong> symphonic<br />

poem “The Steppes <strong>of</strong> Central Asia,” his Second Symphony, and his Second String Quartet being <strong>the</strong> most prominent). But<br />

even here his productivity was low and <strong>the</strong>re are roughly as many musical compositions to rival his meager number <strong>of</strong> chemical works.<br />

Borodin has attracted so much attention because he represents <strong>the</strong> “holy grail” <strong>of</strong> a scientist who transcended C. P. Snow’s “two cultures,”<br />

emerging in <strong>the</strong> end as one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most famous Russian composers <strong>of</strong> any period. Much <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> voluminous literature on<br />

Borodin — dating from some highly influential obituaries — focuses on Borodin as plagued by a problem <strong>of</strong> “dual vocation”: he was<br />

ei<strong>the</strong>r “truly” a musician distracted by chemistry, or “truly” a chemist distracted by music. Drawing upon Borodin’s extensive and largely<br />

underutilized correspondence, this paper argues that <strong>the</strong> formulation <strong>of</strong> “dual vocation” does not capture <strong>the</strong> parallels and anti-parallels<br />

between Borodin’s music and his science. Instead <strong>of</strong> essentializing a concept <strong>of</strong> “career,” <strong>the</strong> crux <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> connection between<br />

music and science for Borodin centered on <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> how to appropriately “train” specialists for a modernizing Russia.<br />

Pamela Gossin, University <strong>of</strong> Texas, Dallas (psgossin@utdallas.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country B<br />

Literary <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> Astronomy: Thomas Hardy’s Personal Construct Cosmology<br />

Interdisciplinary scholars such as Kathyrn Neeley have identified and described <strong>the</strong> multifarious formal and generic categories in which<br />

<strong>the</strong> historiography <strong>of</strong> science participates, among <strong>the</strong>m: comprehensive history, monumental encyclopedic history, progress narratives,<br />

representative history, dramatic history, biographical and intellectual history. Such concerns, regrettably, rarely attract <strong>the</strong> direct focus<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir primary authors’ attentions. Whe<strong>the</strong>r standing upon <strong>the</strong> hefty shoulders <strong>of</strong> traditionally formulated history <strong>of</strong> science or<br />

responding (consciously or subconsciously) to <strong>the</strong> internalized conventions and rhetorical structures <strong>of</strong> “Isis” or JHA style, today’s pr<strong>of</strong>essional<br />

historians <strong>of</strong> science, in general, and historians <strong>of</strong> astronomy, in particular, know <strong>the</strong>ir historiography when <strong>the</strong>y see it. In nineteenth-century<br />

Britain, <strong>the</strong> formal expectations for histories <strong>of</strong> astronomy and cosmology were still in <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> being constructed<br />

and drew upon a wide variety <strong>of</strong> discursive models, including: spoken eulogies, memorials in poetry and prose, “great men <strong>of</strong> science”<br />

hagiographies, triumphant histories <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> empire, academic and popular lectures, critical essays, verse medleys, drama, and <strong>the</strong><br />

historical, realist and naturalist novel. Read individually and collectively, Thomas Hardy’s novels syn<strong>the</strong>size <strong>the</strong> technical content, rhetoric,<br />

<strong>the</strong>mes, and tropes he found in natural histories, popularizations <strong>of</strong> astronomy and o<strong>the</strong>r proto-histories <strong>of</strong> science, with <strong>the</strong> style<br />

and content <strong>of</strong> early works <strong>of</strong> anthropology, archaeology, comparative mythology, and classical and contemporary literary texts. From


<strong>the</strong>se diverse materials, Hardy constructed for his readership a complex new cosmological myth that expressed his perception <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

personal, social, and philosophical implications <strong>of</strong> his culture’s “place in <strong>the</strong> universe.” Hardy’s “novel” universe <strong>of</strong>fers useful insights<br />

into <strong>the</strong> formal possibilities <strong>of</strong> a more overtly literary history <strong>of</strong> astronomy that richly resonate with current trends expressed by <strong>the</strong><br />

publication <strong>of</strong> such works as Dava Sobel’s Longitude and Galileo’s Daughter, as well as Neal Stephenson’s Quicksilver.<br />

Robert Goulding, University <strong>of</strong> Notre Dame (Goulding.2@nd.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

How can Alexandria be Brought to Oxford? Henry Savile’s <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> Ma<strong>the</strong>matics and Institutional Reform.<br />

Henry Savile’s 1570 lectures at Oxford on <strong>the</strong> Almagest were prefaced by a vastly detailed history <strong>of</strong> ma<strong>the</strong>matics and astronomy, stretching<br />

from Adam to Ptolemy himself. Savile’s principal (though unacknowledged) source for his history was Petrus Ramus’s Prooemium<br />

ma<strong>the</strong>maticum <strong>of</strong> 1567, which he supplemented by his own wide reading and study <strong>of</strong> manuscripts he found in Oxford. Although indebted<br />

to Ramus, Savile’s understanding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nature and purpose <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sciences is entirely opposed to that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> French educator. I<br />

examine how Savile reconstrued Ramus’s historical researches in order to advance his own <strong>the</strong>oretical and educational goals.<br />

Joel Hagen, Radford University (jhagen@runet.edu)<br />

Thursday, <strong>18</strong>-Nov-04, 5:00 - 7:00 PM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

Fossil Proteins, Chemical Paleogenetics, and <strong>the</strong> Early Development <strong>of</strong> Molecular Systematics<br />

During <strong>the</strong> early 1960s Nobel laureate Linus Pauling and his younger colleague Emile Zuckerkandl proposed a field <strong>of</strong> study that <strong>the</strong>y<br />

dubbed “chemical paleogenetics.” This new field would supplement, and in some cases supplant, traditional paleontology by bringing<br />

<strong>the</strong> rigorous tools <strong>of</strong> biochemistry to bear on <strong>the</strong> study <strong>of</strong> extinct life forms. It would also require advanced methods drawn from computer<br />

science and computational biology to test amino acid sequences for homology, construct hypo<strong>the</strong>tical phylogenetic trees, and evaluate<br />

alternative trees statistically. Although <strong>the</strong> term “paleogenetics” didn’t catch on, <strong>the</strong> analogy between proteins and fossils was widely<br />

employed during <strong>the</strong> early years <strong>of</strong> molecular evolution and molecular systematics. By reconstructing phylogenies <strong>of</strong> proteins and<br />

<strong>the</strong> organisms that possessed <strong>the</strong>m, practitioners hoped to infer <strong>the</strong> structure and function <strong>of</strong> ancestral molecules. This, <strong>the</strong>y hoped,<br />

would lead to a better understanding <strong>of</strong> extinct species and might even have practical applications for medicine. This paper examines<br />

<strong>the</strong> tension between traditional natural history and paleogenetics during <strong>the</strong> 1960s. It explores <strong>the</strong> promises and limitations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> analogy<br />

between fossils and macromolecules, <strong>the</strong> methods <strong>of</strong> representing phylogenetic relationships among related proteins, methods <strong>of</strong><br />

statistically evaluating alternative phylogenetic hypo<strong>the</strong>ses, and <strong>the</strong> implications <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se methods for <strong>the</strong> early development <strong>of</strong> what has<br />

become a burgeoning field <strong>of</strong> molecular systematics.<br />

Alexander J. Hahn, University <strong>of</strong> Notre Dame (hahn.1@nd.edu)<br />

Saturday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Big Bend A, B, & C<br />

Discorsi and Experiment in Conflict: Galileo’s Folio 116v and his Resolution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Mirandum Paradox<br />

It is generally accepted that <strong>the</strong> time in Padua from 1604 to 1610 is <strong>the</strong> primary period <strong>of</strong> formation <strong>of</strong> Galileo’s final account <strong>of</strong><br />

motion. Leaving behind his earlier attempts (still based on <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> impetus and its consequences), he develops <strong>the</strong> axiomatic <strong>the</strong>ory<br />

<strong>of</strong> uniformly accelerated motion that would comprise <strong>the</strong> discussions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> third and fourth days <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “Discors” published in<br />

1638. With this account Galileo establishes himself as <strong>the</strong> discoverer <strong>of</strong> some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fundamental facts and insights <strong>of</strong> what would<br />

later become <strong>the</strong> classical <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> motion in <strong>the</strong> hands <strong>of</strong> Newton. In particular, Galileo realizes that horizontal motion is conserved,<br />

elevates uniformly accelerated motion to a status <strong>of</strong> central importance, conceptualizes it as an amalgam <strong>of</strong> a horizontal and a vertical<br />

component, and derives <strong>the</strong> parabolic trajectory (at least in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> a horizontal projection). A matter <strong>of</strong> considerable discussion by<br />

historians <strong>of</strong> science is <strong>the</strong> role that experiments played in Galileo’s process <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> discovery and confirmation <strong>of</strong> his insights. Some<br />

historians have asserted that Galileo generally trusts <strong>the</strong> conclusion <strong>of</strong> a pro<strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong> a pro<strong>of</strong> that resides within a consistent <strong>the</strong>oretical<br />

framework - more than an outcome <strong>of</strong> an experiment that deviates from such a conclusion. It is <strong>the</strong> primary purpose <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> proposed<br />

paper to illustrate this point with a comparative study <strong>of</strong> Galileo’s folio 116v and <strong>the</strong> “Mirandum Paradox.” For a related article, see<br />

Hahn, Arch. Hist. Exact Sci. 56 (2002), 339-361.<br />

Michael Cory Halliburton, Independent Scholar (mhallibu@midsouth.rr.com)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country D<br />

Paul Kammerer, Immortal Suicide<br />

While alive, Paul Kammerer was a controversial figure. Since his suicide in 1926, he has remained controversial and lived on as a symbol—as<br />

one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> undead in o<strong>the</strong>r people’s ideological wars. Arthur Koestler used Kammerer’s Neo-Lamarckianism as an example <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> methods that materialistic Darwinists would use to destroy <strong>the</strong>ir enemies. Creationists have also found a niche for Kammerer in<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir contemporary struggle against everything evolutionary: Kammerer’s failure proves <strong>the</strong> impossibility <strong>of</strong> any alternatives to<br />

Darwinian evolution. However, <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> Kammerer still has historical interest. The morphologists at <strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong> Vienna and<br />

Hans Przibram’s “Vivarium” in <strong>the</strong> Prater still had <strong>the</strong>ir evolutionary options open. In <strong>the</strong> early years <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twentieth century anything


was possible. The transformation <strong>of</strong> society was possible. The transcendence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> human race was still possible. The agency <strong>of</strong><br />

nature, <strong>the</strong> social and political struggles at <strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong> Vienna, and <strong>the</strong> culture <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> superman set <strong>the</strong> stage for <strong>the</strong> play <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

real and <strong>the</strong> symbolic in Kammerer’s story. Kammerer’s fraudulent scientific work marks <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> an era <strong>of</strong> open possibilities and <strong>the</strong><br />

ascendance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> evolutionary syn<strong>the</strong>sis and different, equally frightening visions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> human future.<br />

Jacob Darwin Hamblin, California State University, Long Beach (jdhamb@yahoo.com)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Hill Country B<br />

Scientific Opportunity or Political Opportunism? American Oceanographers, UNESCO, and Cooperation in Asia, 1950-1970<br />

Oceanography has a reputation for having been dominated by Scandinavians, nor<strong>the</strong>rn Europeans, and North Americans. Yet some <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> largest oceanographic projects ever undertaken (such as <strong>the</strong> International Indian Ocean Expedition) were cooperative ones that<br />

expressly enrolled <strong>the</strong> participation <strong>of</strong> Asian countries. There were several reasons for this shift in emphasis in <strong>the</strong> 1950s and 1960s.<br />

One was that Americans sought to link cooperative marine science to <strong>the</strong>ir government’s geopolitical goals after <strong>the</strong> Second World War,<br />

especially regarding Japan. Also, aid to <strong>the</strong> developing world was a hallmark <strong>of</strong> UNESCO’s plan for oceanography, which developed in<br />

coordination not only with scientific efforts but with American and British technical assistance programs. Third, scientists <strong>the</strong> world<br />

over hoped to bolster financial support for <strong>the</strong>ir own work by making economic promises to <strong>the</strong> huge populations in Asia in need <strong>of</strong><br />

alternative protein sources. Last, both <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union and <strong>the</strong> United States competed for Asian partners in cooperative scientific<br />

research, to forge political ties and to bolster claims for international scientific leadership. This paper examines <strong>the</strong> evolving obsession<br />

with Asia by American oceanographers and by <strong>the</strong>ir counterparts in UNESCO. It argues that Asia became a crucial aspect <strong>of</strong><br />

Americans’ strategy <strong>of</strong> patronage after <strong>the</strong> launch <strong>of</strong> Sputnik in 1957. Ra<strong>the</strong>r than focus on East-West cooperation, oceanographers<br />

turned toward “development science,” a concept touted by <strong>of</strong>ficials <strong>the</strong> Kennedy and Johnson administrations. But actual cooperation<br />

with scientists in Asia proved far more challenging and problematic than <strong>the</strong>y anticipated, and American and British scientists paid a<br />

high price for <strong>the</strong>ir opportunism. Drawn from my forthcoming book, Disciples <strong>of</strong> Marine <strong>Science</strong> , this paper outlines <strong>the</strong> basic features<br />

<strong>of</strong> American oceanographers’ use <strong>of</strong> international cooperation to promote <strong>the</strong>ir discipline, and illustrates <strong>the</strong> crucial role played by Asia.<br />

Joy Harvey, Independent Scholar (jharvey368@aol.com)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom IV<br />

Rethinking French Darwinism<br />

While my prior research on <strong>the</strong> reception <strong>of</strong> Darwinism in France focused on <strong>the</strong> evolutionary debates held within <strong>the</strong> Société<br />

d’Anthropologie de Paris and Darwin’s first French translator, Clémence Royer who participated in those debates in <strong>the</strong> <strong>18</strong>70s, I have<br />

recently re-examined <strong>the</strong> correspondence <strong>of</strong> French scientists with Darwin. The letters ranged from discussion on scientific questions<br />

that included fossil and anatomical evidence for evolution to questions <strong>of</strong> hybridity in plants and animals. Among <strong>the</strong>se correspondents<br />

were Albert Gaudry, Paul Broca, Charles Naudin, Armand de Quatrefages, Gaston Saporta, Charles Martins and Darwin’s translators,<br />

Clémence Royer, J-J Moulinié and Edouard Barbier. The use <strong>of</strong> French science in Darwin’s editions <strong>of</strong> Origin, Variation , Descent <strong>of</strong> Man,<br />

Expression <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Emotions, as well as in his botanical books, suggests ano<strong>the</strong>r perspective on <strong>the</strong> interaction between Darwin and his<br />

French correspondents. This paper will explore reasons why Darwin continued to cultivate French science and why and how French<br />

scientists found Darwinian science useful in <strong>the</strong>ir scientific research and in <strong>the</strong>ir popular writings.<br />

Albrecht Heeffer, Ghent University (albrecht.heeffer@ugent.be)<br />

Saturday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Big Bend A, B, & C<br />

Récréation Mathématiques (1624): A Study on <strong>the</strong> Authorship, Sources and Influence.<br />

In 1624 a small octavo was published in <strong>the</strong> French university town Pont-à-Mousson, for <strong>the</strong> first time using <strong>the</strong> term ‘recreational ma<strong>the</strong>matics’<br />

in <strong>the</strong> title. This work is pivotal for <strong>the</strong> seventeenth-century history <strong>of</strong> science and ma<strong>the</strong>matics as it brings toge<strong>the</strong>r two sixteenth-century<br />

traditions, mercantile arithmetic and natural magic, and creates two new ones: recreational ma<strong>the</strong>matics and popular science.<br />

Not that so many new ideas were developed in this book. Several <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> recreational problems treated, trace back to Babylonian,<br />

Greek and Hindu sources and <strong>the</strong> infatuation with mechanical contrivances dates from Hero <strong>of</strong> Alexandria. But <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> book<br />

stands on <strong>the</strong> crossroad <strong>of</strong> traditions, its popularity with <strong>the</strong> natural philosophers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> seventeenth century and its complex history<br />

makes it a grateful subject for study. I will clarify some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> complexities about <strong>the</strong> numerous editions and confusing claims about its<br />

authorship. In order to demonstrate how feeble <strong>the</strong> support for <strong>the</strong> authorship <strong>of</strong> Jean Leurechon is, I will advance a different <strong>the</strong>ory<br />

which can be better argumented. Then we trace <strong>the</strong> original sources <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> author to<strong>the</strong> magical tradition and investigate <strong>the</strong> influence<br />

it had in <strong>the</strong> early seventeenth century.<br />

Anna Henchman, <strong>Society</strong> <strong>of</strong> Fellows, Harvard University (henchman@fas.harvard.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country B<br />

To See What I See: Thomas De Quincey and <strong>the</strong> Orion Nebula


Thomas De Quincey’s <strong>18</strong>46 essay “The Systems <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Heavens as Revealed by Lord Rosse’s Telescopes” celebrates <strong>the</strong> construction<br />

<strong>of</strong> far and away <strong>the</strong> largest telescope in <strong>the</strong> world at that time a 56-foot long telescope with a six-foot wide mirror designed to study<br />

nebulae. Lord Rosse, who built <strong>the</strong> telescope, claimed (mistakenly, it would turn out) that <strong>the</strong> telescope had enabled him to “resolve”<br />

<strong>the</strong> Orion nebula. With this advance in telescopy, De Quincey writes, <strong>the</strong> previously defiant nebula has become famous “for <strong>the</strong> submission<br />

with which it has begun to render up its secrets to <strong>the</strong> all-conquering telescope.” And yet <strong>the</strong> “secrets” <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Orion nebula<br />

would prove extremely hard to interpret. De Quincey’s essay foregrounds <strong>the</strong>se interpretive problems—his own rhapsody on <strong>the</strong> Orion<br />

nebula uses John Herschel’s illustration as a springboard for a fanciful rant on <strong>the</strong> nebula as celestial monster. This paper places De<br />

Quincey’s literary representation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nebula in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> those <strong>of</strong> contemporary astronomers Herschel, Lord Rosse and John<br />

Pringle Nichol—and shows that <strong>the</strong>ir representational strategies are more continuous than one might imagine. Any representation <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> nebula involves an unwieldy negotiation between what <strong>the</strong> observer half-perceives and what he half-creates. At a moment before<br />

astronomers had begun to photograph nebulae, <strong>the</strong> goal <strong>of</strong> getting a reader or a viewer “to see what I see” involved a set <strong>of</strong> representational<br />

choices with complicated implications in terms <strong>of</strong> negotiating between subjective and objective knowledge, imagination and perceptual<br />

accuracy. How could such observations and illustrations be weighed against one ano<strong>the</strong>r as “evidence” for or against <strong>the</strong> nebular<br />

hypo<strong>the</strong>sis? At one end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> spectrum is William Herschel, who proposes that “Seeing is in some respects an art that must be<br />

learnt” and that he himself has acquired “a certain dexterity” by “practicing to see.” At <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r end is De Quincey who constantly disorients<br />

his reader and indulges <strong>the</strong> arbitrary impressions <strong>of</strong> a particular point <strong>of</strong> view at a particular moment in time, by a particular<br />

consciousness. In <strong>the</strong> process, he suggests that <strong>the</strong> very ideal <strong>of</strong> objective knowledge depends on a stable sense <strong>of</strong> bodily orientation<br />

that <strong>the</strong> nineteenth-century universe disrupts. The debates around <strong>the</strong> status <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nebula mark an uncomfortable transition between<br />

a moment in which <strong>the</strong> astronomer’s knowledge was relied upon in fashioning illustrations and a later period in which mechanical objectivity<br />

became <strong>the</strong> preferred representational mode.<br />

Dieter H<strong>of</strong>fmann, Max Planck Institute for <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong> (dh@mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country B<br />

The “Ramsauer Era” and <strong>the</strong> Self-Mobilization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> DPG<br />

Under <strong>the</strong> auspices <strong>of</strong> Carl Ramsauer as <strong>the</strong> chairman <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong> German Physical <strong>Society</strong> (DPG) - I would even like to speak <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

“Ramsauer Era” - it becomes clear that under his auspices DPG emerged from its marginal existence and intervened ever more actively<br />

in <strong>the</strong> socio-political processes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Third Reich. While doing so, Ramsauer used his position as an industrial physicist and his good<br />

connections to military circles in order to forge an alliance with <strong>the</strong> military-industrial complex <strong>of</strong> Nazi Germany. The position <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

DPG as well as its prestige and influence pr<strong>of</strong>ited greatly and lastingly from this alliance, but simultaneously <strong>the</strong> society was transformed<br />

into a functioning institution <strong>of</strong> scientific specialists serving <strong>the</strong> NS state loyally and effectively, although not in any case enthusiastically.<br />

In this way <strong>the</strong> society lost its political innocence - if <strong>the</strong> DPG had have had it ever - since this alliance established various structures<br />

<strong>of</strong> collaboration with <strong>the</strong> political power centers.<br />

Ute Holl, Bauhaus-University Weimar (uteholl@medien.uni-weimar.de)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom VII<br />

<strong>Science</strong> and Avantguarde. Dziga Vertov’s Filmwork and <strong>the</strong> Techniques <strong>of</strong> Observing in Russian Reflexology<br />

The work <strong>of</strong> avantgarde filmmaker Dziga Vertov (<strong>18</strong>98-1954) goes back to his studies with <strong>the</strong> famous founder <strong>of</strong> Russian<br />

Psychoreflexology, Vladimir Bekhterev. Bekhterev, coming from <strong>the</strong> German (Flechsig) and French (Charcot) schools <strong>of</strong> neurology,<br />

stands in <strong>the</strong> tradition <strong>of</strong> objective psychology, i.e. a strict observation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> physiological, outer symptoms <strong>of</strong> nervous reactions and<br />

behavior. Without giving it much considerance as a medium, <strong>the</strong>ir evidence was largely based on visual imaging techniques. In my paper<br />

I want to trace back <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> chrono-photographic and filmic techniques in neurology and psychology. I will give examples <strong>of</strong><br />

how time and space were constructed in <strong>the</strong> scientific research. I argue that <strong>the</strong> notion <strong>of</strong> behavior, especially in Russian history, relies<br />

on <strong>the</strong> employment <strong>of</strong> film and filmic techniques in <strong>the</strong> epistemological process. Dziga Vertov <strong>the</strong>n takes this back into art as a social<br />

process. To prove this I will show excerpts <strong>of</strong> films by Vertov and <strong>of</strong> older material from <strong>the</strong> psychological and psychiatric laboratories.<br />

Giora Hon, University <strong>of</strong> Haifa (hon@research.haifa.ac.il)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

Living Extremely Flat: The Status <strong>of</strong> Errors in Experimental Studies <strong>of</strong> Biological Systems<br />

John von Neumann (1903–1957) paid much attention to <strong>the</strong> phenomenon <strong>of</strong> error in his studies <strong>of</strong> large scale computing machines<br />

and automata. Important issues <strong>of</strong> reliability were after all at stake: success or failure <strong>of</strong> expensive technological inventions was hanging<br />

in <strong>the</strong> balance. These machines and s<strong>of</strong>tware schemes were partly conceived with a view to imitating features <strong>of</strong> living systems.<br />

Drawing on <strong>the</strong> studies <strong>of</strong> von Neumann, I shall present a comparative, general analysis <strong>of</strong> error in <strong>the</strong> inanimate realm and in living<br />

systems. An inherent feature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> epistemological phenomenon <strong>of</strong> error is <strong>the</strong> divergence from a given standard. Such discrepancy<br />

may arise because <strong>of</strong> innumerable reasons, but its detection is due invariably to evaluative procedures against that standard. Crucial <strong>the</strong>n<br />

for <strong>the</strong> detection <strong>of</strong> error and its characterization in experimentation is <strong>the</strong> presence <strong>of</strong> a standard against which a divergence is discerned<br />

and assessed. In this paper I examine <strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong> errors in biological systems when <strong>the</strong>y interact with <strong>the</strong> constraints <strong>of</strong> experimental<br />

setups as distinct from errors that arise in physical, inanimate system. Von Neumann’s analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> error in<br />

machines that are designed to simulate life processes, provides an instructive background against which errors that arise in experimenting<br />

on biological systems may be fruitfully studied. I seek to demonstrate that such errors may not have clear identification since <strong>the</strong>


standard from which <strong>the</strong>y are supposed to diverge is entirely missing.<br />

Minghui Hu, University <strong>of</strong> Chicago (mhu@uchicago.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country A<br />

Measuring <strong>the</strong> Cosmos: Tension between Confucian Cosmology and Jesuit Cosmography<br />

If an informed literatus <strong>of</strong> mid-eighteenth century China had been asked to describe Jesuit astronomy, he probably would have begun<br />

to suggest that <strong>the</strong> Jesuit science focused exclusively on <strong>the</strong> measures <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cosmos (cetian ??). The measures <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cosmos constituted<br />

<strong>the</strong> core <strong>of</strong> Qing imperial calendar, and <strong>the</strong> precision measures in <strong>the</strong> imperial calendar served to symbolize <strong>the</strong> Qing state power.<br />

The Manchu conquest <strong>of</strong> Ming China consequently led to <strong>the</strong> formation <strong>of</strong> state orthodoxy within which <strong>the</strong> Manchu monarchs shared<br />

his legitimacy with <strong>the</strong> intellectual and cultural elites in China. How, or to what extent, did <strong>the</strong> divinatory and ritualistic elements remain<br />

in <strong>the</strong> Qing state cosmology? How did <strong>the</strong>se elements hang toge<strong>the</strong>r with ma<strong>the</strong>matical and observational astronomy that were so crucial<br />

in <strong>the</strong> demonstration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Qing court prowess in precision measures? How did <strong>the</strong> literati and <strong>of</strong>ficials at court put Confucian<br />

cosmology and Jesuit cosmography toge<strong>the</strong>r in <strong>the</strong> state orthodoxy?<br />

Patti Wilger Hunter, Westmont College (phunter@westmont.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country A<br />

Foundations <strong>of</strong> Statistics in American Textbooks: Probability and Pedagogy in Historical Context<br />

The pages <strong>of</strong> journals dealing with statistics education have contained in recent years a number <strong>of</strong> discussions about <strong>the</strong> most effective<br />

ways to treat <strong>the</strong> subject <strong>of</strong> probability in introductory statistics courses. The conversation about <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> probability and <strong>the</strong> form<br />

it should take in statistics courses is not a recent phenomenon, but has been going on since <strong>the</strong> introduction <strong>of</strong> statistical inference in<br />

<strong>the</strong> early decades <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twentieth century. Moreover, prominent members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> statistics community made important contributions<br />

to that conversation, contributions shaped significantly by statisticians’ concerns about <strong>the</strong>ir place in <strong>the</strong> broader scientific community.<br />

This paper will analyze <strong>the</strong> treatment <strong>of</strong> probability in several American statistics textbooks from <strong>the</strong> 1920s through <strong>the</strong> 1940s. It will<br />

show that <strong>the</strong> emergence and development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> American statistics community and its concerns about its place in <strong>the</strong> larger academic<br />

and scientific world influenced <strong>the</strong> approaches statisticians took to presenting <strong>the</strong> ideas <strong>of</strong> probability.<br />

Yoshiko Iizuka, Rissho University (hazime@ris.ac.jp)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country D<br />

Birth Technology and Gender Problems in Recent Japan<br />

In Japan, <strong>the</strong> first test tube baby was born in 1983 and a baby’s sex selection birth was performed in 1985. Before <strong>the</strong>se birth technologies<br />

had popularized, medical accident in <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> obstetrics and gynecology had occurred in 1980. It gave serious social impact for<br />

Japanese society. It was a matter that normal uterus and/or ovary were removed surgically in <strong>the</strong> private hospital. In <strong>the</strong> present study,<br />

we surveyed <strong>the</strong> press comments <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> matter chronologically in relation to <strong>the</strong> gender problem and birth technology. As a result,<br />

stereotyped comments that happiness for females are conception, child birth and child care appeared in 1980’s. However, reproductive<br />

health and rights problem has been popularizing since 1990’s. Also, birth technology has well developed. And bioethical issues occurred.<br />

Joel Isaac, Trinity College, University <strong>of</strong> Cambridge (jti20@cam.ac.uk)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country C<br />

The Education <strong>of</strong> a “Scientific Philosopher”: W. V. Quine and <strong>the</strong> Analytic Turn in American Philosophy, 1926-1940<br />

For half a century, until his death in December 2000, Willard Van Orman Quine was considered by his peers to be <strong>the</strong> most important<br />

and influential <strong>of</strong> living philosophers. At <strong>the</strong> forefront <strong>of</strong> developments in logical empiricism and logical positivism, Quine helped to<br />

establish analytic philosophy in <strong>the</strong> United States, where it has flourished since <strong>the</strong> 1950s. This paper discusses <strong>the</strong> circumstances <strong>of</strong><br />

Quine’s education in <strong>the</strong> late 1920s and 1930s, and <strong>the</strong> unique conceptions <strong>of</strong> scientific knowledge it engendered, namely, holism and a<br />

“naturalist” epistemology. By following Quine through Oberlin College, graduate school at Harvard, a year <strong>of</strong> instruction in Europe,<br />

and, finally, a junior fellowship at Harvard’s <strong>Society</strong> <strong>of</strong> Fellows, it is argued that we can see <strong>the</strong> basic tenets <strong>of</strong> Quine’s mature thought<br />

set in as early as his sophomore year at Oberlin. Significantly, however, Quine did not develop <strong>the</strong>se tenets explicitly until <strong>the</strong> later 1930s,<br />

electing instead to concentrate on elaborating for an American audience <strong>the</strong> views <strong>of</strong> his mentor Rudolf Carnap, “even though” his nascent<br />

conceptions <strong>of</strong> scientific knowledge induced pr<strong>of</strong>ound misgivings about Carnap’s approach. It is contended that Quine elected to<br />

s<strong>of</strong>t-peddle his own convictions in favour <strong>of</strong> a strong body <strong>of</strong> European philosophy in order to carve out a space for his own project<br />

within <strong>the</strong> American philosophical tradition. In common with figures in o<strong>the</strong>r disciplines in mid-twentieth century America, Quine<br />

exploited a traditional deference to European arts and sciences to effect a turn towards a new set <strong>of</strong> concepts and problems in <strong>the</strong> philosophy<br />

<strong>of</strong> science and <strong>the</strong> science <strong>of</strong> philosophy.<br />

Kenji Ito, The University <strong>of</strong> Tokyo (kenjiito@post.harvard.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country B


Gender and Physics in Japan around WWII: Toshiko Yuasa and her Emigration to France<br />

Both <strong>the</strong> physics community and Japanese society in <strong>the</strong> 20th century are not well-known for <strong>the</strong>ir gender sensitivity. One could expect<br />

<strong>the</strong> worst when <strong>the</strong>se two are combined. This paper examines how gender affected one’s career in physics in Japan by focusing on<br />

Toshiko Yuasa. Yuasa’s case is <strong>of</strong> particular interest, because not only she was Japan’s first significant female physicist, but also her career<br />

seems to require a historically informed way <strong>of</strong> understanding how gender functioned in physics in Japan. Yuasa was an atomic physicist<br />

trained by Frédéric Joliot-Curie before World War II. Although she returned to Japan just before <strong>the</strong> war ended, she eventually<br />

migrated to France in 1949 and died <strong>the</strong>re. Yuasa’s case, <strong>the</strong>refore, does not disappoint our expectation: Physics in Japan was totally<br />

unprepared to have a female constituent, and Yuasa had to go to France first for training and <strong>the</strong>n to have a permanent job. Japan’s sexism<br />

alone, however, does not do justice to <strong>the</strong> complexity <strong>of</strong> Yuasa’s case. Whereas repelled by rampant sexism in postwar Japan, she<br />

was never<strong>the</strong>less curiously hostile to what she conceived as American feminism in <strong>the</strong> postwar era. Although she could not build a career<br />

in Japan and to be naturalized in France would have been easy and advantageous to her, she never abandoned her Japanese nationality<br />

or Japanese cultural practices like tradition poetry. I argue that Yuasa was not simply a refuge from gender discrimination. Yuasa’s decisions<br />

to become a physicist and to leave for France twice owed much to her background and <strong>the</strong> kind <strong>of</strong> femininity encouraged <strong>the</strong>n.<br />

Her being a woman in a sexist society and ensuing circumstances shaped in her a particular set <strong>of</strong> values and a certain vision <strong>of</strong> physics.<br />

These motivated her to become a physicist and encouraged to go to France. Upon her return to Japan, however, her vision <strong>of</strong> physics,<br />

in addition to her being a woman, alienated her from o<strong>the</strong>r Japanese physicists and forced her to leave for France again. Thus, although<br />

Japan’s gender bias caused Yuasa’s emigration to France, it occurred in a more complex and contextual way than it appears.<br />

Konstantin Ivanov, Tula State Pedagogic University (Konstantine@yandex.ru)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Hill Country A<br />

The First Steps <strong>of</strong> Astrophysics in <strong>the</strong> USSR: Revolutionary Policies in <strong>Science</strong> and Disciplinary Boundaries<br />

At <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 20th century, “astrophysics” was a relatively new term in <strong>the</strong> discourse <strong>of</strong> science. The traditional discipline <strong>of</strong><br />

astronomy and its long established practices were closely linked to naval, geodesic and topographical needs <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> military and <strong>the</strong> state.<br />

Several technological inventions and new instruments at <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 19th century started challenging <strong>the</strong> existing astronomical practices,<br />

creating internal tension within <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essional community and its institutions. In Russia, <strong>the</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new boundary<br />

between traditional astronomy and astrophysics occurred in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> radical revolutionary reforms in <strong>the</strong> country’s scientific<br />

infrastructure during <strong>the</strong> 1920s. The paper analyzes this process <strong>of</strong> discipline creation and institutional building in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> proposed<br />

Chief Russian Astrophysical Observatory, approved by <strong>the</strong> Commissariat <strong>of</strong> Enlightenment in 1919. The initiative came mostly<br />

from astronomers such as V. G. Fesenkov, who were in opposition to <strong>the</strong> existing hierarchy and order in astronomy, represented by <strong>the</strong><br />

Pulkovo Observatory. After several reorganizations, failures and starts, <strong>the</strong> proposed disciplinary reform resulted in <strong>the</strong> establishment<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Russian Astrophysical Institute, subsequently <strong>the</strong> Shternberg Institute <strong>of</strong> Astronomy. The history and transformations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

new disciplinary field reflected <strong>the</strong> changing dynamics in <strong>the</strong> cultural climate for innovation and <strong>the</strong> relative authority <strong>of</strong> experts and<br />

politicians in revolutionary Russia.<br />

Anja Skaar Jacobsen, Department <strong>of</strong> Ma<strong>the</strong>matics and Physics, Roskilde University, Denmark (skaar@ruc.dk)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

The Role <strong>of</strong> Marxist Ideology in Léon Rosenfeld’s Defence <strong>of</strong> Complementarity in <strong>the</strong> 1950s<br />

The Belgian born physicist Léon Rosenfeld (1904–1974) has been called “<strong>the</strong> clarifier” <strong>of</strong> Niels Bohr’s complementarity interpretation<br />

<strong>of</strong> quantum mechanics. He had a unique connection to Bohr as his closest assistant from 1930 and took part in <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

so-called Copenhagen interpretation during its formative years. Rosenfeld has also been called “<strong>the</strong> square root <strong>of</strong> Trotsky times Bohr”<br />

by his friend <strong>the</strong> physicist Wolfgang Pauli, referring to Rosenfeld’s loyalty to Bohr and <strong>the</strong> fact that he was a sworn Marxist. In <strong>the</strong> 1950s<br />

a strife about <strong>the</strong> interpretation <strong>of</strong> quantum mechanics took place in <strong>the</strong> physics community in which <strong>the</strong> complementarity interpretation<br />

was questioned from <strong>the</strong> perspective <strong>of</strong> Marxist philosophy among o<strong>the</strong>r things. In order to shed more light on <strong>the</strong> groupings<br />

among Marxism-inspired physicists as well as on <strong>the</strong> philosophically heterogeneous group <strong>of</strong> adherents <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Copenhagen interpretation,<br />

this paper investigates what role Marxist ideology and philosophy played in Rosenfeld’s fierce defence <strong>of</strong> complementarity in <strong>the</strong><br />

1950s.<br />

Derek Jensen, Brigham Young University (derek_jensen@byu.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom V<br />

The Idea <strong>of</strong> a Plurality <strong>of</strong> Worlds in Seventeenth-Danzig: Abraham von Franckenberg’s Oculus Sidereus<br />

Karl Guthke has recently made <strong>the</strong> claim that “in Germany <strong>the</strong> wars <strong>of</strong> religion delayed <strong>the</strong> assimilation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new science, and <strong>the</strong><br />

tendency to ignore <strong>the</strong> new worlds remained <strong>the</strong> norm in German literature and philosophy right up to <strong>the</strong> early eighteenth century.”<br />

(The Last Frontier, 113). While this may have been <strong>the</strong> case for most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> German-speaking area <strong>of</strong> Europe, <strong>the</strong> existence <strong>of</strong> Abraham<br />

von Franckenberg’s “Oculus Sidereus” printed in <strong>the</strong> Prussian port Danzig in 1644 provides a strong counterexample to Dr. Guthke’s<br />

general claim. In this paper, I will address examples <strong>of</strong> engagement with <strong>the</strong> idea <strong>of</strong> plurality <strong>of</strong> worlds that existed in seventeenth-century<br />

German literature and philosophy, and specifically, I will address <strong>the</strong> social and cultural conditions that existed in mid-century<br />

Danzig that made it a place for <strong>the</strong> publication <strong>of</strong> Oculus Sidereus. Conditions included a healthy astronomical community that included<br />

<strong>the</strong> activities <strong>of</strong> Johannes Hevelius, printers willing to publish Franckenberg’s ideas and an audience interested in <strong>the</strong> science <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>


stars. Franckenberg’s book had a diverse readership that included <strong>the</strong> Jesuit Athanasius Kircher. As an alternative to <strong>the</strong> recent <strong>the</strong>sis<br />

<strong>of</strong> Ingrid Rowland that Kircher wrote his own speculations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> plurality <strong>of</strong> worlds in his book Itinerarium exstaticum based on readings<br />

<strong>of</strong> Giordano Bruno, I will suggest that <strong>the</strong> substance <strong>of</strong> Franckenberg’s Oculus Sidereus, which contained a detailed summary <strong>of</strong><br />

Bruno’s poem “De Immenso et Innumerabilibus” could have just as likely served Kircher as source material.<br />

Andrew Jewett, Yale University (andrew.jewett@yale.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

American Scientists and <strong>the</strong> International Reconstruction Debate<br />

As scholars such as Peter J. Kuznick and Elizabeth Hodes have shown, American scientists contributed prominently to <strong>the</strong> pre-1941 discussion<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> proper response to European fascism, and later drove <strong>the</strong> debate over <strong>the</strong> control and uses <strong>of</strong> nuclear energy after <strong>the</strong><br />

war’s end in 1945. This paper provides a bridge between <strong>the</strong>se two “scientists’ movements” by showing that American scientists participated<br />

in a vigorous public discourse on global reconstruction that took place between about 1942 and 1947. While many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nation’s<br />

researchers were ensconced in <strong>the</strong> top-secret laboratories <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Manhattan Project during <strong>the</strong> later years <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> war, o<strong>the</strong>rs were helping<br />

to shape <strong>the</strong> public’s expectations for <strong>the</strong> postwar international order. The paper will analyze <strong>the</strong> range <strong>of</strong> political-economic views<br />

on display in such widely read texts as chemist and Harvard president James B. Conant’s Our Fighting Faith (1942), ecologist W. C. Allee’s<br />

“Where Angels Fear to Tread” (1943), geologist Kirtley F. Ma<strong>the</strong>r’s Enough and to Spare (1944), and astronomer Harlow Shapley’s “A<br />

Design for Fighting” (1944); in scientists’ contributions to <strong>the</strong> Harvard faculty report General Education in a Free <strong>Society</strong> (1945) and <strong>the</strong><br />

popular edited volumes <strong>Science</strong> and Man (1942), Beyond Victory (1943), and Our Emergent Civilization (1947); and in <strong>the</strong> writings <strong>of</strong> Shapley,<br />

Harold C. Urey, Victor F. Hess, I. I. Rabi, Philipp Frank, and Arthur Holly Compton for <strong>the</strong> annual volumes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> high-pr<strong>of</strong>ile<br />

Conference on <strong>Science</strong>, Philosophy and Religion in <strong>the</strong>ir Relation to <strong>the</strong> Democratic Way <strong>of</strong> Life.<br />

Ann Johnson, University <strong>of</strong> South Carolina (annj@sprintmail.com)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country C<br />

Molecules or Very, Very Tiny Beams? Writing Algorithms to Model Carbon Nanotubes at NASA<br />

At <strong>the</strong> NASA-Ames Research Laboratory since <strong>the</strong> mid-1990s, computational nanotechnology research has brought toge<strong>the</strong>r practitioners<br />

from several different disciplines to try to predict <strong>the</strong> behavior <strong>of</strong> carbon nanotubes under a variety <strong>of</strong> stresses. The rub is that<br />

<strong>the</strong>se stresses have not been successfully measured in actual nanotubes. Consequently, <strong>the</strong> computational models must stand in for <strong>the</strong><br />

missing experimental data. Fur<strong>the</strong>r complicating this process is that fact that constructing models <strong>of</strong> nanotubes requires both<br />

macroscale thinking about stresses using beam <strong>the</strong>ory and nanoscale thinking about <strong>the</strong> geometry <strong>of</strong> chemical bonds. As a result, <strong>the</strong><br />

construction <strong>of</strong> new algorithms to blend <strong>the</strong>se effects drawn from different scales has become one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> central projects <strong>of</strong> computational<br />

nanotechnology. Algorithm design has also been influenced by parallel developments in computational geometry. Thus a new<br />

regime <strong>of</strong> scientific practice is at work here, blending <strong>the</strong>oretical computer science, engineering <strong>the</strong>ories, and ab-initio chemical models.<br />

This paper examines this regime and <strong>the</strong> interplay between computing and nanoscale research at NASA-Ames a site appropriately dedicated<br />

to both high-end computing and materials science research.<br />

Kristin Renee Johnson, Arizona State University (johnskri@mit.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom VII<br />

Defending Systematics: The Plague Flea and <strong>the</strong> Role <strong>of</strong> Species Identification<br />

The pathogen responsible for plague, <strong>the</strong> bacillus Yersinia pestis, was discovered in <strong>18</strong>94, but a suggested connection between rats and<br />

fleas in plague transmission remained controversial. It took cooperation between epidemiologists, field workers, and <strong>the</strong> flea systematist<br />

Karl Jordan to resolve <strong>the</strong> controversy. This episode is <strong>of</strong>ten cited in entomological circles as an excellent example <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> importance<br />

<strong>of</strong> pure entomology to applied entomology and medicine in general. Jordan’s role in <strong>the</strong> episode took place during a period in which<br />

systematics lost ground to <strong>the</strong> resources and prestige <strong>of</strong> applied entomology and his writings on <strong>the</strong> subject reveal interesting factors at<br />

stake in this transition as well as in <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> naturalist tradition in <strong>the</strong> twentieth century. This paper forms part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> proposed<br />

session entitled; Dimensions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Naturalist Tradition in America<br />

Mat<strong>the</strong>w L. Jones, Columbia University (mj340@COLUMBIA.EDU)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom V<br />

Leibniz and <strong>the</strong> Persona <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Decorous Natural Philosopher<br />

This paper considers <strong>the</strong> early modern call for decorous modes <strong>of</strong> writing and speaking as a central heuristic in Leibniz’s account <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

persona necessary to encourage <strong>the</strong> discovery and creation <strong>of</strong> harmony in <strong>the</strong> world. The demand for decorous means—techniques<br />

appropriate for humans—figures fundamentally in his account <strong>of</strong> outward self-presentation and rhetorical style as well as in his account<br />

<strong>of</strong> written techniques necessary for discerning <strong>the</strong> hidden harmonies in <strong>the</strong> diversity <strong>of</strong> natural and ma<strong>the</strong>matical appearances. Such<br />

decorous writing practices were essential for creating <strong>the</strong> natural and statistical knowledge necessary for proper rule <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state; such<br />

a decorous philosophical persona was necessary to enable <strong>the</strong> monarch to produce <strong>the</strong> greatest amount <strong>of</strong> harmony in his domain.


Edward Jurkowitz, University <strong>of</strong> Ilinois at Chicago (jurkowit@uic.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country C<br />

Liberal Unities <strong>of</strong> Mind and Knowledge: Hermann Von Helmholtz’s and Ernst Mach’s Images <strong>of</strong> Intellect and Epistemology<br />

Analyzing popular and scientific works I illustrate that <strong>the</strong> leading German and Austrian scientist-philosophers Hermann Helmholtz and<br />

Ernst Mach drew extensively from <strong>the</strong> cultural resources <strong>of</strong> German liberalism, but turned <strong>the</strong>se resources to different ends. Not only<br />

did <strong>the</strong>y employ key liberal notions such as freedom and law in <strong>the</strong>ir public addresses; <strong>the</strong>y also pursued a particularly liberal form <strong>of</strong><br />

scientific practice. They consciously acted in accord with particular rules when engaging colleagues and foes, and developed a correlated<br />

set <strong>of</strong> epistemological standards for determining and framing knowledge and <strong>the</strong>ories. However, Helmholtz and Mach turned common<br />

liberal values to different ends, in part due to <strong>the</strong> differing political and cultural situations in <strong>the</strong> German states and <strong>the</strong> Austro-<br />

Hungarian Empire in which <strong>the</strong>y respectively worked. In particular, <strong>the</strong>y differed in <strong>the</strong> kinds <strong>of</strong> unity that <strong>the</strong>y promoted within fields<br />

<strong>of</strong> science and for <strong>the</strong> scientific community more generally. Helmholtz worked to lay foundations for fields <strong>of</strong> science that would ensure<br />

cooperative investigation on a unique, commonly agreed upon set <strong>of</strong> fundamental assumptions. In contrast, Mach consciously rejected<br />

<strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> a unique scientific foundation, and spent much time undermining <strong>the</strong> authority <strong>of</strong> proposed unitary foundations.<br />

In short, Helmholtz and Mach pursued different conceptions <strong>of</strong> epistemological and social order within science.<br />

David Kaiser, Massachusetts Institute <strong>of</strong> Technology (dikaiser@mit.edu)<br />

Thursday, <strong>18</strong>-Nov-04, 5:00 - 7:00 PM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

The Atomic Secret in Red Hands?: Cold War Fears <strong>of</strong> Theoretical Physicists<br />

Two assumptions became widespread among members <strong>of</strong> Congress, <strong>the</strong> federal judiciary, and <strong>the</strong> national media in <strong>the</strong> years after World<br />

War II: <strong>the</strong>oretical physicists alone possessed <strong>the</strong> “atomic secret” for how to build atomic bombs, and <strong>the</strong>orists were more left-leaning<br />

politically than o<strong>the</strong>r types <strong>of</strong> scientists. Yet both assumptions were demonstrably false. The atomic bombs had been designed and<br />

built during World War II by an intense interdisciplinary collaboration between experimental and <strong>the</strong>oretical physicists, electrical and<br />

chemical engineers, metallurgists, and o<strong>the</strong>rs. Likewise, thousands more experimentalists and engineers than <strong>the</strong>orists ran afoul <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

new loyalty-security apparatus in <strong>the</strong> decade after World War II (at governmental, industrial, and academic laboratories), yet only <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>orists’<br />

cases reached national headlines. The staying power <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> associations surrounding <strong>the</strong>orists thus points to <strong>the</strong> changing cultural<br />

place <strong>of</strong> “pure scientists” in <strong>the</strong> United States — and, by extension, to <strong>the</strong> fraught position <strong>of</strong> scientific authority more generally —<br />

during <strong>the</strong> early years <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Cold War.<br />

Eriko Kakuzaki, Rissho University (hazime@ris.ac.jp)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country D<br />

<strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> Human-Animal Interaction in Japan<br />

In <strong>the</strong> present study, we surveyed a history <strong>of</strong> human-animal interaction in Japan with <strong>the</strong> view <strong>of</strong> animal protection and social welfare.<br />

The most famous law for animal protection is Shorui Awaremi no Rei in1685. It is a notorious law <strong>of</strong> giving priority to lives <strong>of</strong> living<br />

animals over those <strong>of</strong> human beings. For example, a horse doctor who injured a dog was killed under <strong>the</strong> law in 1702. However, this<br />

law had a good aspect. It was against <strong>the</strong> act <strong>of</strong> deserting such animals are dogs, horses, cattle. Recently, human-animal interaction in<br />

Japan has been changing dramatically. Animal assisted <strong>the</strong>rapy at special nursing homes for <strong>the</strong> aged has become popular. At last, <strong>the</strong><br />

law for assisted dog for disabled person was promulgated in 2000.<br />

Minsoo Kang, University <strong>of</strong> Missouri, St. Louis (nikosgnoma@hotmail.com)<br />

Thursday, <strong>18</strong>-Nov-04, 5:00 - 7:00 PM - Texas Ballroom V<br />

The Living Machines: The Automaton as a Modernist Symbol, <strong>18</strong>86 - 1909<br />

Following <strong>the</strong> industrial revolution, <strong>the</strong>re is a tendency in European writing to describing <strong>the</strong> ubiquitous machines <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> era as living,<br />

superhuman beings. This study examines <strong>the</strong> imaginative works <strong>of</strong> three early modernist writers - Villiers de l’Isle Adam, Alfred Jarry,<br />

and F. T. Marinetti - in which <strong>the</strong> most overt symbol <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> age <strong>of</strong> living machines, <strong>the</strong> automaton, or a device made to mimic living<br />

beings, makes appearances. The central contention <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> analysis is that <strong>the</strong> description <strong>of</strong> such an artificial construct as a vital creature<br />

and a vision <strong>of</strong> future merging <strong>of</strong> humanity with machinery, constitutes an eminently modernist expression <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> industrial age,<br />

as it goes beyond <strong>the</strong> mainstream nineteenth century attitudes <strong>of</strong> technophile celebration or romantic rejection.<br />

Lauren Kassell, Pembroke College, (lauren@ias.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

All Was This Land Full Fill’d <strong>of</strong> Faerie’, or Magic and <strong>the</strong> Past in Early Modern England<br />

Did Adam practice magic? Did he learn it from an angel or <strong>the</strong> devil? Was it lost in <strong>the</strong> past, a time when <strong>the</strong> world was enchanted? This<br />

paper will chart_<strong>the</strong> ways in which histories <strong>of</strong> magic were written and read in early modern England, documenting <strong>the</strong> meanings that


magic encompassed (including alchemy and astrology), <strong>the</strong> range <strong>of</strong> texts in which such accounts appeared (e.g.iatrochemical disputes,<br />

natural histories, life-writings, histories <strong>of</strong> Britain), and exploring <strong>the</strong> extent to which some authors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se works thought that <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

world was disenchanted while o<strong>the</strong>rs compiled evidence(historical, material, anecdotal) to <strong>the</strong> contrary.<br />

Allison B. Kavey, Gonzaga University (akavey@yahoo.com)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country C<br />

Structuring Nature: Scripting <strong>the</strong> Natural in “The Secrets <strong>of</strong> Albertus Magnus” and “Cornucopiae, or Divers Secrets”<br />

Books <strong>of</strong> secrets in sixteenth century England provide an excellent opportunity to access popular depictions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> natural world and<br />

images <strong>of</strong> natural philosophy. The Secrets <strong>of</strong> Albertus Magnus and Cornucopiae, or divers secrets are particularly useful for this task, since <strong>the</strong>y<br />

produce broad images <strong>of</strong> nature and give specific instructions for its manipulation by careful readers. This paper will examine <strong>the</strong> ways<br />

in which each book’s structure contributes to its depiction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> natural world and its position on <strong>the</strong> appropriate use <strong>of</strong> natural knowledge<br />

by a broad range <strong>of</strong> readers.<br />

Christine Keiner, Rochester Institute <strong>of</strong> Technology (cmkgsh@rit.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country C<br />

Rats, Humans, and Urban Ecology: The Johns Hopkins Rodent Ecology Project, 1944-1952<br />

This study focuses on <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> a new sub-discipline—rodent ecology—which flourished at <strong>the</strong> Johns Hopkins School <strong>of</strong><br />

Hygiene and Public Health from <strong>the</strong> mid-1940s through <strong>the</strong> early 1950s. Thanks to a partnership between Hopkins, <strong>the</strong> Rockefeller<br />

Foundation, and Baltimore City, <strong>the</strong> Rodent Ecology Project researchers made pioneering discoveries about rat population dynamics,<br />

populations in general, and urban rat control. Although environmental sanitation had been all but eclipsed by <strong>the</strong> new public health<br />

tools <strong>of</strong> pesticides and antibiotics, <strong>the</strong> complex behavior <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> urban rat meant that those who sought to apply pesticide technology<br />

to infested city blocks could not ignore <strong>the</strong> ecological relationships between rats, humans, and <strong>the</strong> urban environment. Consequently, I<br />

argue that <strong>the</strong> Rodent Ecology Project highlights early efforts to apply an ecological approach to <strong>the</strong> control <strong>of</strong> urban nature.<br />

Boumsoung Kim, The University <strong>of</strong> Tokyo (kimbs@mr.rcast.u-tokyo.ac.jp)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country B<br />

Representing Earthquakes: A Historical Interpretation <strong>of</strong> Seismograms in Meiji Japan<br />

In this presentation, I would like to discuss <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> Japanese seismology from <strong>the</strong> <strong>18</strong>80s to <strong>the</strong> 1900s by interpreting visual representations.<br />

They include not only representations <strong>of</strong> earthquakes such as sketches and seismic diagrams, but also <strong>the</strong> results <strong>of</strong> scientific<br />

works such as statistical tables, graphs, and maps. It has been said that Japanese science before <strong>the</strong> 1920s generally was located at<br />

<strong>the</strong> periphery <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> international scientific community, and seismology was not an exception. Many scholars have retrospectively<br />

described seismological research until <strong>the</strong> 1910s as a local science, which had been conducted before Japanese science developed fully<br />

to <strong>the</strong> “international” level. I would like to inquire into this general evaluation. I hope that <strong>the</strong> visual representations will make it more<br />

visible by whom, where, and how <strong>the</strong> research was conducted, which would fur<strong>the</strong>r show us <strong>the</strong> flow <strong>of</strong> raw data, processed information,<br />

and scientific authority.<br />

Nahum Kipnis, Independent scholar (nahumk@mn.rr.com)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country D<br />

Are Old Scientific Theories “Rejected” or “Abandoned”?<br />

To describe <strong>the</strong> process by which an old scientific <strong>the</strong>ory yields to a new one historians and philosophers <strong>of</strong> science usually use such<br />

words as “refutation,” “rejection,” and “confirmation.” In particular, <strong>the</strong>re is an opinion that a <strong>the</strong>ory is “rejected” after being found<br />

“refuted.” It is not always clear, however, whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>se terms refer to actual contemporary views or to scholars’ interpretations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

contemporary reaction. I will present examples from <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> electricity and optics <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> eighteenth and <strong>the</strong> early nineteenth<br />

centuries, which show that, whatever <strong>the</strong> appearances, <strong>the</strong> choice between two <strong>the</strong>ories was actually made primarily on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> positive<br />

evidence ra<strong>the</strong>r than a negative one. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, <strong>the</strong> main factor affecting scientists’ choice was a constructive capacity <strong>of</strong> a<br />

<strong>the</strong>ory ra<strong>the</strong>r than its deficiencies. From this perspective, a replacement <strong>of</strong> one <strong>the</strong>ory by ano<strong>the</strong>r consisted <strong>of</strong> a decrease in using <strong>the</strong><br />

former and an increased use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> latter. If this were <strong>the</strong> case, “abandonment” would describe <strong>the</strong> fate <strong>of</strong> an old <strong>the</strong>ory better than<br />

its “refutation” and “rejection.”<br />

Jeremy Kirby, Florida State University (Jsk4806@mailer.fsu.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Big Bend A, B, & C


Aristotle’s Rejection <strong>of</strong> Resurrection<br />

In <strong>the</strong> De Anima I.3, Aristotle essays a little argument to <strong>the</strong> effect that <strong>the</strong> soul does not set <strong>the</strong> body in motion in virtue <strong>of</strong> its own<br />

motion (406b20-23). For, he maintains, if <strong>the</strong> soul sets <strong>the</strong> body in motion by virtue <strong>of</strong> its own motion, <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> soul could undergo<br />

motion in space. However, if <strong>the</strong> soul can undergo motion is space, <strong>the</strong>n it would be possible for it to go out and come back into bodies.<br />

And if <strong>the</strong> soul can go out <strong>of</strong> and return to bodies, <strong>the</strong>n dead animals would be resurrected (anastasthai). But <strong>the</strong> resurrection <strong>of</strong><br />

dead animals is an absurd consequence. The soul, <strong>the</strong>refore, does not set <strong>the</strong> body in motion in virtue <strong>of</strong> its own motion. Whatever <strong>the</strong><br />

merits <strong>of</strong> this argument,I aim to understand why resurrection would have seemed absurd to Aristotle (at <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> his writing <strong>the</strong> De<br />

Anima). Is <strong>the</strong> claim grounded by empirical or conceptual means? Is this a datum <strong>of</strong> experience, or a decucible consequence, given <strong>the</strong><br />

essential nature <strong>of</strong> matter? Aristotle, I argue, seems to have recourse to both approaches.<br />

Cynthia Klestinec, Georgia Institute <strong>of</strong> Technology (cynthia.klestinec@lcc.gatech.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom VII<br />

Fabricius and <strong>the</strong> Dramatic Rhetoric <strong>of</strong> Anatomical Inquiry<br />

Working in Padua and Venice, Fabricius <strong>of</strong> Aquapendente published <strong>the</strong> results <strong>of</strong> his anatomical research in <strong>the</strong> early 17th century. As<br />

Andrew Cunningham has shown, Fabricius drew both his methodology and his topics <strong>of</strong> research from Aristotle’s biological works, pursuing<br />

an Aristotelian project <strong>of</strong> anatomy. This paper will extend Cunningham’s analysis by showing that Fabricius drew not only from<br />

Aristotle’s biological works, but also from Aristotle’s Poetics and <strong>the</strong> numerous commentaries on <strong>the</strong> Poetics that circulated in <strong>the</strong> Veneto<br />

region in <strong>the</strong> later sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. This body <strong>of</strong> works brought education and pleasure to <strong>the</strong> fore, influencing<br />

Fabricius’s textual and oral presentations. This paper will provide an account <strong>of</strong> Fabricius’ dramatic rhetoric—his use <strong>of</strong> ‘beginning,<br />

middle and end’ to organize and develop anatomical process—as well as an alternative history <strong>of</strong> wonder. This paper will consider <strong>the</strong><br />

possibility that wonder and its cognates (surprise, admiration) derive not only from various philosophical traditions (as Katharine Park<br />

and Lorraine Daston have explained), but also from a dramatic tradition that had recently been energized by <strong>the</strong> publication and translation<br />

<strong>of</strong> Aristotle’s Poetics.<br />

Robert E. Kohler, University <strong>of</strong> Pennsylvania (rkohler@sas.upenn.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

American Museums and Natural <strong>History</strong> Collecting<br />

The late 19th and early 20th centuries were a period <strong>of</strong> large-scale biological survey and collecting <strong>of</strong> animal and plant species, especially<br />

by large civic museums. Hundreds or thousands <strong>of</strong> expeditions were dispatched. Unlike earlier natural-history collecting, expeditionary<br />

collecting was designed to be complete and comprehensive — natural history made into an exact science <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> field. Initially,<br />

museums undertook collecting expeditions less for science per se than to qcquire material for <strong>the</strong>ir new and immensely popular habitat<br />

dioramas. Expeditions served both science and <strong>the</strong> cultural consumption. Curators became field workers and led expeditions, but<br />

depended for funding and logistics on diverse local and lay participants.<br />

S<strong>of</strong>ie Lachapelle, Max Planck Institute for <strong>the</strong> <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong> (lachapelle@mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom VII<br />

The Prophylaxis and Treatment <strong>of</strong> Endemic Cretinism by Nineteenth-Century Alienists<br />

Cretinism is understood today as a condition in which a lack in thyroid hormone (caused by a congenital defect, diseased thyroid, or lack<br />

<strong>of</strong> iodine) results in mental retardation and serious problems associated with physical development (dwarfism and thick, flabby skin <strong>of</strong><br />

a yellowish color). Cretinism is found in its endemic form in mountainous regions and valleys, where endemic goiter is severe. The<br />

condition has been recognized for centuries in <strong>the</strong> Alpine villages <strong>of</strong> today’s Switzerland, but it is in <strong>the</strong> seventeenth century that it began<br />

to be more seriously considered. Interest in natural history and curiosities led to a number <strong>of</strong> traveling accounts in which cretins were<br />

mentioned. During <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century, more methodical surveys <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> various regions where cretinism was prevalent were performed.<br />

The condition and <strong>the</strong> particular environmental settings in which it occurs became better known. The causes <strong>of</strong> cretinism were<br />

<strong>of</strong>ten seen in climatic factors (<strong>the</strong> stagnation <strong>of</strong> a corrupted air, heat, atmospheric humidity), geological formations, unknown toxic<br />

agents in drinking water or food, dirt, or wretched conditions. Preventive measures, sometimes contradictory, were proposed to reduce<br />

<strong>the</strong> occurrence <strong>of</strong> cretinism (prolonged exposure to <strong>the</strong> sun, shading, drainage, cleaning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> village, relocation, segregation in sanatoriums<br />

or asylums, and iodine intake). As <strong>the</strong> construction <strong>of</strong> new roads, <strong>the</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> a railway system, and improvements<br />

in <strong>the</strong> preservation <strong>of</strong> fish provided <strong>the</strong> inland with marine products, <strong>the</strong> incidence <strong>of</strong> endemic cretinism receded. Although <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong><br />

iodine had been recommended throughout <strong>the</strong> previous century, it is not until <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twentieth century that <strong>the</strong> iodinedeficiency<br />

hypo<strong>the</strong>sis was accepted as causal to both goiter and cretinism. This paper will look at <strong>the</strong> preventive measures and <strong>the</strong> treatments<br />

for cretinism promoted by a particular group, <strong>the</strong> alienists, in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> nineteenth-century public health innovations.<br />

Larry Lagerstrom, University <strong>of</strong> California, Davis (lagerstrom@ucdavis.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Applied <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong>: The Case <strong>of</strong> Creation and Evolution<br />

In <strong>the</strong> 1986 HSS Distinguished Lecture, John Heilbron put forth a manifesto for applying <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> science to general education,


science education, and science policy. The continuing controversies over creation and evolution provide a challenging test case for this<br />

endeavor. This paper will review recent developments in <strong>the</strong> creation-evolution debates, such as <strong>the</strong> rise <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Intelligent Design movement,<br />

and explore whe<strong>the</strong>r and how historians can make a positive contribution to a field where pitfalls abound and nuanced analysis<br />

is <strong>of</strong>ten trampled.<br />

Kevin Lambert, University <strong>of</strong> Califorina, Los Angeles (lambertk@ucla.edu)<br />

Thursday, <strong>18</strong>-Nov-04, 5:00 - 7:00 PM - Texas Ballroom V<br />

George Boole in Ireland: The Reasoning Self and The Claims <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong><br />

This paper will look at Boole’s formulation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> laws <strong>of</strong> a universal and absolute reason in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> attempt to provide a<br />

secular education in Ireland. Going to Queens College Cork as <strong>the</strong> first pr<strong>of</strong>essor <strong>of</strong> ma<strong>the</strong>matics in <strong>18</strong>49 was a considerable achievement<br />

for George Boole. He had learned his ma<strong>the</strong>matics without any formal university education and his appointment underscored<br />

<strong>the</strong> high regard with which his work on ma<strong>the</strong>matics and logic was held in mid-nineteenth century Britain. However, Boole’s enthusiasm<br />

for his new post would soon become muted as Queen’s College Cork became embroiled in religious controversy between Catholics<br />

and Protestants and involving a close friend <strong>of</strong> Boole’s called Raymond de Vericour. Boole’s work on his laws for a universal and<br />

absolute reason would <strong>of</strong>fer solace and hope for <strong>the</strong> intractable problems he saw surrounding him in Cork. Boole’s reasoning self would<br />

find its clearest expression in his “Claims <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong>,” delivered as a lecture to Cork University in <strong>18</strong>52, and his most well known work<br />

An Investigation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Laws <strong>of</strong> Thought. His work on logic was directly related to <strong>the</strong> philosophy <strong>of</strong> “le moi,” described by Jan<br />

Goldstein in her article, “Mutations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Self,” which described a formulation <strong>of</strong> this bourgeois self in <strong>the</strong> “moi-centered” post-revolutionary<br />

French philosophy associated with Victor Cousin and François Guizot. Indeed, Boole had recommended works by Guizot<br />

to members <strong>of</strong> his Mechanics Institute back in Lincoln and de Vericour was Guizot’s nephew. It was de Vericour’s book that first<br />

involved Boole in <strong>the</strong> controversy at Cork.<br />

Hannah Landecker, Rice University (hll@rice.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

What Cells Might Be: Cell Fusion and <strong>the</strong> <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> Biotechnology<br />

When biological things that operate in predictable repetitive cycles are taken apart or radically rearranged, <strong>the</strong>ir cyclical trajectories<br />

become dislodged and though <strong>the</strong>y continue to live and reproduce, <strong>the</strong>y spiral into novel forms that are unexpected, not predicted or<br />

even caused by <strong>the</strong> original intervention. Such is <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> cell fusion experiments in <strong>the</strong> 1960s in <strong>the</strong> US and UK that merged<br />

cultured cells from different species into novel forms such as heterokaryons, synkaryons, and cybrids, and led to <strong>the</strong> generation <strong>of</strong><br />

classes <strong>of</strong> fragmented or reconstructed cells such as microcells and recons. This paper examines changes in <strong>the</strong> practices and concepts<br />

<strong>of</strong> “foreignness” and homology that result from <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> hybrid cell lines, with particular focus on <strong>the</strong> technical depiction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

reconfiguration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> interior landscapes <strong>of</strong> cells through physical merger with foreign nuclei and cytoplasm. Inevitably <strong>the</strong> disruption<br />

<strong>of</strong> predictable reproduction, in this case through <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> so-called “parasexual” techniques <strong>of</strong> fusing somatic cells, also<br />

disrupts settled narratives <strong>of</strong> what living cells are and what <strong>the</strong>y could be in <strong>the</strong> future. This specific case study <strong>of</strong> narrative disruption<br />

in scientific explanation is linked to <strong>the</strong> constant production <strong>of</strong> biotechnical utopias and dystopias over <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twentieth century.<br />

Maria Lane, University <strong>of</strong> Texas, <strong>Austin</strong> (marialane@mail.utexas.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

Wonderful, Terrible Martians: Geographic Representations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Red Planet, <strong>18</strong>94-1916<br />

This paper investigates <strong>the</strong> ways in which scientific and popular portrayals <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> planet Mars’ geography between <strong>18</strong>94 and 1916 both<br />

encapsulated and engendered pr<strong>of</strong>ound ambiguities regarding <strong>the</strong> ideal relationship <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Western metropole to alien or exotic landscapes<br />

and peoples. Specifically, <strong>the</strong> research project uses archival and interpretive methods to examine textual, cartographic and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

visual representations <strong>of</strong> Mars and Martians that were produced by British, Italian, and American astronomers and science writers in<br />

<strong>the</strong> late nineteenth century. In popularizing and legitimizing detailed claims regarding Mars’ climate, vegetation, topography and inhabitants,<br />

I argue, many writers and artists assessed/challenged dominant geographic discourses <strong>of</strong> modern Western superiority by representing<br />

<strong>the</strong> red planet as a utopian landscape inhabited by beings with superior engineering and organizational skills. Archival investigation<br />

<strong>of</strong> astronomers’ publications as well as o<strong>the</strong>r genres in which astronomical claims were repeated, modified and developed (textbooks,<br />

media reports, science fiction, etc.) focuses on characterizing <strong>the</strong>ir contribution to wider debates about cultural hierarchy, imperialism,<br />

and <strong>the</strong> rise <strong>of</strong> technology. The scientific representation <strong>of</strong> Mars as a canal-covered landscape and Martians as desert-bound<br />

irrigationists, for instance, spurred a spate <strong>of</strong> popular writing on <strong>the</strong> subject <strong>of</strong> imagined interplanetary encounters, <strong>the</strong> colonization <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> Earth, and <strong>the</strong> technological modification <strong>of</strong> Martian landscapes. To evaluate whe<strong>the</strong>r such representations functioned as alternative<br />

or utopian discourses, this inquiry investigates three specific controversies in <strong>the</strong> representation <strong>of</strong> Mars: over (1) <strong>the</strong> nomenclature<br />

assigned to its geographical features, (2) <strong>the</strong> mapping <strong>of</strong> canals on its surface, and (3) <strong>the</strong> interpretation <strong>of</strong> such canals as <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong><br />

intelligent beings.<br />

Thomas Lassman, Center for <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> Physics, American Institute <strong>of</strong> Physics (tlassman@aip.org)


Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

The Path Not Taken: Henry A. Wallace and <strong>the</strong> Reconstruction <strong>of</strong> American <strong>Science</strong> after World War II<br />

The history <strong>of</strong> American science policy after World War II has focused primarily on <strong>the</strong> guiding influence <strong>of</strong> Vannevar Bush’s landmark<br />

report, <strong>Science</strong>: The Endless Frontier. In this report, Bush argued that research <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> type normally conducted in universities would drive<br />

technological innovation in industry. He also acknowledged <strong>the</strong> need for government funds to support <strong>the</strong> advancement <strong>of</strong> science and<br />

technological innovation, but he firmly believed that such resources should be politically insulated from federal control and restricted<br />

to <strong>the</strong> best private sector research institutions. The paper will challenge and broaden this interpretive framework by examining an equally<br />

significant but less well-known science policy proposal introduced by Secretary <strong>of</strong> Commerce Henry A. Wallace in 1945. An ardent<br />

New Dealer who had previously served as secretary <strong>of</strong> agriculture and vice president under Franklin Roosevelt, Wallace proposed a<br />

state-centered plan for <strong>the</strong> reconversion <strong>of</strong> America’s wartime industries back to peacetime production. He believed that existing government<br />

laboratories, ra<strong>the</strong>r than elite universities and o<strong>the</strong>r private sector institutions favored by Bush, should provide <strong>the</strong> scientific<br />

knowledge that industry, especially small manufacturers, would need to compete effectively in a steadily expanding national economy.<br />

Manfred D. Laubichler, Arizona State University (manfred.laubichler@asu.edu)<br />

Thursday, <strong>18</strong>-Nov-04, 5:00 - 7:00 PM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Universal Biology - Dream or Reality?<br />

Connoisseurs <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong> Fiction are familiar with <strong>the</strong> idea <strong>of</strong> a universal biology. Different, but mostly still recognizable life forms, especially<br />

to someone trained in morphology, populate novels, movies, and <strong>the</strong> TV series. In terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir basic biology, physiology, and<br />

pathology <strong>the</strong>se life forms represent an extension <strong>of</strong> earth-based biology or simply a broader comparative focus. A second, and more<br />

problematic, kind <strong>of</strong> new life forms is represented by cyborgs, self-replicating automata, and artificial life. The challenge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se life<br />

forms for (fictional) biology is not too simply broaden <strong>the</strong> comparative focus, but to generate a new form <strong>of</strong> universal biology, one that<br />

is based on more fundamental principles or more general abstractions. However, both ideas—<strong>the</strong> broadening <strong>of</strong> a comparative focus<br />

and <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> fundamental principles <strong>of</strong> life have also been important strategies in <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> general and <strong>the</strong>oretical<br />

biology. This paper will investigate <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> scientific attempts to define a “universal biology” in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> both new biological<br />

discoveries and fictional representations. It will be argued that <strong>the</strong> idea <strong>of</strong> a “universal biology” has been a powerful force in both<br />

science and fiction and that <strong>the</strong> “two cultures” <strong>of</strong>ten had a symbiotic relationship with each o<strong>the</strong>r.<br />

Elizabeth H. Lee, Harvard University (elee@fas.harvard.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

Genealogies <strong>of</strong> Piracy: Alienation and Early-Modern French Geographical Knowledge<br />

Legal depositions against pirates filed in early-modern France are a rich site for <strong>the</strong> investigation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> construction <strong>of</strong> evidentiary<br />

claims about geography and identity. This paper examines one such deposition through two genealogies to show how piracy ven before<br />

or independent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> conception <strong>of</strong> intellectual piracy was complicit in early-modern knowledge production. The Relation au<strong>the</strong>ntique<br />

<strong>of</strong> Binot Paulmier de Gonneville’s journey to <strong>the</strong> Indies in 1503-1505, a travel narrative whose topography <strong>of</strong> ambiguous clues tantalized<br />

later geographic sleuths, exists as a result <strong>of</strong> several acts <strong>of</strong> alienation. Upon returning to Honfleur on May 20th 1505, Gonneville<br />

and surviving members <strong>of</strong> his crew filed a deposition with <strong>the</strong> Admiralty <strong>of</strong> Honfleur against <strong>the</strong> pirates whose attacks had alienated<br />

<strong>the</strong> crew <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> L’Espoir from life and property. For a deposition against pirates, this document contains relatively little about material<br />

goods lost and a surprising amount <strong>of</strong> detail about encounters with Indians. While at least one manuscript copy remained in <strong>the</strong> family,<br />

a century and a half later an <strong>of</strong>ficial copy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> deposition was commissioned to help Gonneville’s descendants prove <strong>the</strong>ir exemption<br />

from Louis XIV’s droit d’aubaine or his tax on foreigners. The question at heart was whe<strong>the</strong>r or not Gonneville’s adopted son and<br />

heir Essomericq, an Indian prince he had brought back to France in 1505, had been forced to remain in France. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, <strong>the</strong><br />

foreign or non-foreign status <strong>of</strong> Gonneville’s descendants, issues <strong>of</strong> Essomericq’s marriage to a relative <strong>of</strong> Gonneville’s, rested in part<br />

on a reading <strong>of</strong> this legal document. This analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> genealogies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> deposition and <strong>of</strong> Gonneville will illustrate how piracy<br />

contributes to <strong>the</strong> story <strong>of</strong> geography broadly construed as <strong>the</strong> study <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> relations between peoples and places.<br />

Ålbert C. Lewis, Indiana University -Purdue Univ. Indianapolis (alewis2@iupui.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country D<br />

G.B. Halsted and Ma<strong>the</strong>matics on <strong>the</strong> American Frontier<br />

Upon his arrival from Princeton University as ma<strong>the</strong>matics pr<strong>of</strong>essor at <strong>the</strong> newly organized University <strong>of</strong> Texas at <strong>Austin</strong> in <strong>18</strong>84, <strong>the</strong><br />

thirty-one-year-old George Bruce Halsted readily adopted <strong>the</strong> stance <strong>of</strong> a man poised for success on <strong>the</strong> frontier <strong>of</strong> American ma<strong>the</strong>matics<br />

and took his place in a society that <strong>of</strong>ten perceived itself as standing in contrast with <strong>the</strong> European and Eastern US traditions in<br />

which he was raised. His principal ma<strong>the</strong>matical subject, non-Euclidean geometry, originated in <strong>the</strong> Old World, but he saw himself not<br />

so much as a researcher as a new type <strong>of</strong> distinctively American college pr<strong>of</strong>essor who was devoted to teaching for its own sake. The<br />

status accorded educators vis-à-vis researchers in ma<strong>the</strong>matics appears to have declined during Halsted’s life, and by <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> his<br />

death in 1922 <strong>the</strong> ma<strong>the</strong>matics pr<strong>of</strong>ession was clearly split between <strong>the</strong> two. Halsted’s debate over methodology with John Dewey, his<br />

success with students at Texas, such as L.E. Dickson and R.L. Moore, and <strong>the</strong> decline <strong>of</strong> his own career, make him emblematic <strong>of</strong> some<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> main trends <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> time.


Elise S. Lipkowitz, Northwestern University (e-lipkowitz@northwestern.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom VII<br />

Matters <strong>of</strong> Family, Matters <strong>of</strong> State: The Debate over Inoculation in France 1754-1774<br />

My paper examines <strong>the</strong> eighteenth-century debate over smallpox inoculation in order to trace <strong>the</strong> various ways that French cultural elites<br />

– philosophes, literary figures, and physicians- conceptualized <strong>the</strong> balance between calculation and sentiment in <strong>the</strong> relationship between<br />

parents and children. Proponents <strong>of</strong> inoculation, who viewed it as an unequivocal medical advance, also recognized that <strong>the</strong> public was<br />

resistant to justifications <strong>of</strong> inoculation based solely on ma<strong>the</strong>matical calculations <strong>of</strong> risk. France’s foremost advocate <strong>of</strong> inoculation,<br />

Charles Marie de La Condamine, urged fa<strong>the</strong>rs to love <strong>the</strong>ir children with an “amour éclairé” [an Enlightened love] in his 1754 speech<br />

before <strong>the</strong> Académie Royale des <strong>Science</strong>s. What did La Condamine mean by this notion that implies <strong>the</strong> confluence <strong>of</strong> rationality and<br />

sentimentality two dispositions which historians have traditionally considered incommensurable in eighteenth century culture? To what<br />

extent did <strong>the</strong> smallpox debate lead to <strong>the</strong> articulation <strong>of</strong> new prescriptive notions <strong>of</strong> parental love and its relationship to <strong>the</strong> evaluation<br />

<strong>of</strong> risk? Whereas previous studies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> inoculation debate have focused narrowly on its place in <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> medicine or in <strong>the</strong><br />

development <strong>of</strong> probabilistic thinking in eighteenth-century Europe, my paper situates <strong>the</strong> smallpox debate within <strong>the</strong> historiography<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> eighteenth-century French sentimental family. By shifting attention from <strong>the</strong> medical debate per se, to <strong>the</strong> debate over <strong>the</strong> proper<br />

roles <strong>of</strong> fa<strong>the</strong>rs, mo<strong>the</strong>rs, sons, and daughters in a medical decision, this paper rereads <strong>the</strong> literature on smallpox inoculation to reveal<br />

<strong>the</strong> controversy’s cultural and political implications. In an era when <strong>the</strong> French state turned to <strong>the</strong> family to streng<strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> foundations<br />

<strong>of</strong> a social order eroded by commercialism and secularism, <strong>the</strong> inoculation question became a locus for debating which sorts <strong>of</strong> familial<br />

relationships best contributed to <strong>the</strong> social good. An excerpt from this work addressing <strong>the</strong> French medical community’s response<br />

to inoculation was published in <strong>the</strong> November 5, 2003 issue <strong>of</strong> msJAMA under <strong>the</strong> title “The Physicians’ Dilemma in <strong>the</strong> <strong>18</strong>th Century<br />

Smallpox Debate.”<br />

Steve Luis, University <strong>of</strong> California, San Diego (sluis@ucsd.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Hill Country C<br />

Lochner v. New York: Expert and Common Knowledge in <strong>the</strong> Supreme Court Decision<br />

I consider <strong>the</strong> role that expert and common knowledge played in <strong>the</strong> 1905 U.S. Supreme Court case Lochner v. New York. The case<br />

concerned <strong>the</strong> constitutionality <strong>of</strong> a public health provision <strong>of</strong> New York State’s labor statutes that was, arguably, intended to protect<br />

<strong>the</strong> health <strong>of</strong> bakeshop employees. This paper examines <strong>the</strong> ways in which <strong>the</strong> parties employed expert and common medical knowledge<br />

to advance <strong>the</strong>ir arguments. It <strong>the</strong>n discusses how <strong>the</strong> Supreme Court viewed and utilized <strong>the</strong>se forms <strong>of</strong> knowledge in its decision.<br />

Sherrie Lynne Lyons, SUNY Empire State College (sherrie.lyons@esc.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

From Huxley to Gould: Thomas Henry Huxley’s Relevance For Modern Evolutionary Theory<br />

Gould and Eldredge began <strong>the</strong>ir 1977 paper on punctuated equilibrium with Huxley’s caution to Darwin on <strong>the</strong> eve <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> publication<br />

<strong>of</strong> “The Origin”: “You have loaded yourself with an unnecessary difficulty in adopting natura non facit saltum so unreservedly.” Huxley’s<br />

work in developmental morphology, his belief in <strong>the</strong> type concept, his evaluation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fossil record, and his interest in taxonomy all<br />

suggested that variation was not continuous. Thus, he initially advocated a saltational view <strong>of</strong> evolution. Although he eventually gave<br />

up those views, <strong>the</strong> issues he raised have not been entirely resolved. The gaps in <strong>the</strong> fossil record remain problematic. Huxley was fundamentally<br />

interested in how form comes to be generated and <strong>the</strong> questions he raised are <strong>the</strong> very ones that have to be answered if<br />

development is to be fully integrated into modern evolutionary <strong>the</strong>ory.<br />

Anna Maerker, Cornell Uiversity (akm23@cornell.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Hill Country B<br />

How (not) to be a Museum Visitor in Late-Eighteenth-Century Florence: Micro-Histories and Retrospective Accounts from <strong>the</strong> Royal<br />

Museum <strong>of</strong> Physics and Natural <strong>History</strong><br />

In 1775, Tuscan grand-duke Pietro Leopoldo founded <strong>the</strong> Royal Museum <strong>of</strong> Physics and Natural <strong>History</strong> in Florence with <strong>the</strong> aim <strong>of</strong><br />

promoting public enlightenment. Unlike most earlier collections, <strong>the</strong> Museum was explicitly open to all classes <strong>of</strong> society. This new<br />

institution for <strong>the</strong> production and dissemination <strong>of</strong> natural knowledge required <strong>the</strong> simultaneous creation <strong>of</strong> a new audience: <strong>the</strong> museum<br />

visitor. How was <strong>the</strong> encounter between visitors and objects envisioned, regulated, and perceived? I compare natural philosopher<br />

and Museum director Felice Fontana’s prescriptions for museum visitors expressed in Museum display and rules to visitors’ comportment,<br />

using Grand Tour travellers’ written accounts as well as micro-historical readings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Museum’s administrative records <strong>of</strong> complaints<br />

and repairs. The images <strong>of</strong> visitors’ encounters with <strong>the</strong> collection that emerge from <strong>the</strong>se different sources vary widely. I argue<br />

that <strong>the</strong> discrepancy between travellers’ retrospective accounts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir experience and patterns <strong>of</strong> behaviour visible in <strong>the</strong> Museum’s<br />

administrative records is due to <strong>the</strong> diversity <strong>of</strong> conceptual frameworks for encounters with material objects available to different classes<br />

<strong>of</strong> visitors. Interactions with <strong>the</strong> Florence collection <strong>of</strong> specimen and instruments could thus be framed, e.g., as similar to encounters<br />

with relics, or works <strong>of</strong> art. Finally I address how <strong>the</strong>se diverse frameworks for being a museum visitor conflicted with, and were


incorporated into, <strong>the</strong> state administration’s efforts to establish <strong>the</strong> Museum as a site <strong>of</strong> public education on natural history and natural<br />

philosophy.<br />

Patrick McCray, University <strong>of</strong> California, Santa Barbara (pmccray@history.ucsb.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

Caltech, Project Vista, and <strong>the</strong> Dilemmas <strong>of</strong> Lee DuBridge<br />

In <strong>the</strong> summer <strong>of</strong> 1951, more than one hundred scientists and o<strong>the</strong>r academics participated in a secret study hosted by <strong>the</strong> California<br />

Institute <strong>of</strong> Technology. The purpose <strong>of</strong> Project Vista was to determine how existing technologies – tactical nuclear weapons, in particular<br />

could <strong>of</strong>fset NATO’s weaker conventional forces and repel a massive Soviet invasion <strong>of</strong> Europe many perceived as likely if not<br />

imminent. Lee A. DuBridge, a former physicist and Caltech’s first president, convinced <strong>the</strong> school’s trustees and administration to carry<br />

out <strong>the</strong> project for several reasons among o<strong>the</strong>rs, it brought an lucrative government contract to <strong>the</strong> school while it performed a national<br />

service at a time <strong>of</strong> great international tension. This paper explores how Project Vista came to Caltech and how DuBridge’s reluctant<br />

acquiescence to Caltech’s conscription in Project Vista during a state <strong>of</strong> national emergency conflicted with his initial goals for Caltech<br />

as <strong>the</strong> school adjusted to <strong>the</strong> postwar environment. More broadly, this paper’s focus on <strong>the</strong> local institutional environment provides a<br />

window onto scientists’ experiences and responsibilities as <strong>the</strong>y attempted to apply <strong>the</strong>ir expertise to <strong>the</strong> relatively unfamiliar world <strong>of</strong><br />

tactics and warfare during <strong>the</strong> early years <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Cold War.<br />

Peter McLaughlin, University <strong>of</strong> Heidelberg (peter.mclaughlin@urz.uni-heidelberg.de)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country D<br />

Rethinking Internalism in <strong>the</strong> Scientific Revolution<br />

The story <strong>of</strong> Boris Hessen’s famous lecture on “The Social and Economic Roots <strong>of</strong> Newton’s ‘Principia’/Mechanics” has been<br />

rehearsed from a number <strong>of</strong> different angles. Although <strong>the</strong> talk reportedly had a powerful effect on a number <strong>of</strong> those attending, those<br />

not personally present have been almost uniformly derogatory in <strong>the</strong>ir evaluations. Two exceptions were Henryk Grossmann and R. K.<br />

Merton, who explicitly defended Hessen against <strong>the</strong> misunderstandings and misrepresentations widely accepted by historians, especially<br />

following G. N. Clark’s attack. In this paper I take <strong>the</strong>se dissident readings <strong>of</strong> Hessen as a starting point to reevaluate <strong>the</strong> origin <strong>of</strong><br />

internalism in <strong>the</strong> historiography <strong>of</strong> science, which defined itself in opposition to a position that never existed, leading it to study <strong>the</strong><br />

mechanization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world picture in <strong>the</strong> Scientific Revolution in abstraction from practical mechanics and technology.<br />

Colin Milburn, Harvard University (milburn@fas.harvard.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

Nano Worlds: Vision Beyond <strong>the</strong> Limits <strong>of</strong> Fabrication<br />

The recent history <strong>of</strong> nanotechnology has been characterized by double-vision: in visualizing <strong>the</strong> nanoscale, in making molecular structures<br />

accessible through imaging technologies such as <strong>the</strong> scanning tunneling microscope, nanotechnology simultaneously imagines <strong>the</strong><br />

future. Speculative visions <strong>of</strong> monumental social, economic and technological changes appear regularly in <strong>the</strong> writings <strong>of</strong> scientists and<br />

o<strong>the</strong>rs involved in <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> nanotechnology, and <strong>the</strong>se visions are usually linked to experimental successes in bringing <strong>the</strong><br />

invisible atomic world to light. This paper analyzes <strong>the</strong> double-vision <strong>of</strong> nanotechnology and suggests that “seeing” <strong>the</strong> future is a<br />

media-specific effect <strong>of</strong> “seeing” <strong>the</strong> nanoscale, that <strong>the</strong> fantasy <strong>of</strong> a disembodied gaze capable <strong>of</strong> scrutinizing beyond <strong>the</strong> limits <strong>of</strong><br />

sight and foresight structures <strong>the</strong> thinking <strong>of</strong> nanotechnology from its earliest history to <strong>the</strong> present day. The paper fur<strong>the</strong>r suggests<br />

that this double-vision works to make radical technological change possible in <strong>the</strong> present by unfolding an alienating “world <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

future” from within <strong>the</strong> maps and <strong>the</strong> media generated by its explorations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new molecular frontier.<br />

David Marshall Miller, University <strong>of</strong> Pittsburgh (dmmst115@pitt.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom V<br />

The Thirty Years War and <strong>the</strong> Galileo Affair: A Plea for Political Contextualization<br />

All too <strong>of</strong>ten, historians <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “Galileo Affair” focus <strong>the</strong>ir attention on <strong>the</strong> intellectual bases <strong>of</strong> Galileo’s fateful interaction with <strong>the</strong><br />

Holy Roman Church. They fail to recognize <strong>the</strong> dynamic – indeed, tumultuous – nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> political landscape surrounding Galileo’s<br />

condemnation and <strong>the</strong> events leading to it. This was a landscape rent by <strong>the</strong> Thirty Years War, which dominated <strong>the</strong> affairs <strong>of</strong> European<br />

rulers, including Galileo’s patrons. In fact, Galileo’s publication <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “Dialogo” in 1632 could not have come at a more ill-advised<br />

moment: in <strong>the</strong> aftermath <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> battle <strong>of</strong> Breitenfeld, <strong>the</strong> nadir <strong>of</strong> Catholicism in Germany. Blame for this calamitous defeat fell on<br />

Galileo’s most important protector, Pope Urban VIII. Thus, when Galileo’s book appeared, Galileo became a useful example by which<br />

Urban could consolidate his severely weakened position. The Pope carefully crafted <strong>the</strong> public image <strong>of</strong> an unusual trial, at <strong>the</strong> expense<br />

<strong>of</strong> his old friend. By telling this story, I aim to focus some attention on <strong>the</strong> political context <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “Galileo Affair.” Certainly, Galileo’s<br />

trial resulted from pr<strong>of</strong>ound intellectual tensions that pervaded <strong>the</strong> early modern period, but it must also be understood in light <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

political exigencies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> moment. Historians’ extensive exploration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> intellectual aspects <strong>of</strong> Galileo’s condemnation should be<br />

accompanied by more research regarding <strong>the</strong> less cerebral motivations <strong>of</strong> those involved.


Philip Mirowski, University <strong>of</strong> Notre Dame ()<br />

Sunday, 21-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom II & III<br />

Caveat Emptor: On <strong>the</strong> <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> Perceptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Supposed Independence <strong>of</strong> Scientific Research from <strong>the</strong> Forms <strong>of</strong> Economic<br />

Support<br />

Hazime Mizoguchi / Noriko Sato, Rissho University (hazime@ris.ac.jp)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country D<br />

Japanese Biologists at <strong>the</strong> Marine Biological Laboratory, Woods Hole<br />

During <strong>the</strong> hundred years from <strong>18</strong>90 to 1990, about eighty Japanese biologists visited <strong>the</strong> Marine Biological Laboratory (MBL) at Woods<br />

Hole, Massachusetts. The academic careers, relationships with <strong>the</strong> MBL, and research interests <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se scientists are investigated<br />

chronologically in relation to major biological world events. At <strong>the</strong> MBL, Japanese biologists were able to learn <strong>the</strong> latest research methods;<br />

<strong>the</strong>y were also exposed to <strong>the</strong> atmosphere in <strong>the</strong> laboratory; lively discussion between distinguished scientists and beginning investigators.<br />

Japanese biologists also established pr<strong>of</strong>essional and personal contacts with American biologists. Hence, <strong>the</strong> MBL was considered<br />

by Japanese biologists to be <strong>the</strong> most influential <strong>of</strong> all marine biological laboratories.<br />

Jill Morawski, Wesleyan University (jmorawski@wesleyan.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Hill Country C<br />

Socialized/Civilized: The Promise <strong>of</strong> Socialization Theory and <strong>the</strong> Protean Human in Postwar America<br />

Formulated through <strong>the</strong> amalgamation <strong>of</strong> learning <strong>the</strong>ory and psychoanalysis in <strong>the</strong> 1930s, socialization <strong>the</strong>ory emerged in <strong>the</strong> postwar<br />

decades to become a major empirical program and a popular explanatory device for understanding and regulating behavior. Socialization<br />

<strong>the</strong>ory promised resolution to <strong>the</strong> binary tensions <strong>of</strong> individual and society, private and public, conscious and unconscious, and perhaps<br />

most importantly <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory represented a protean personhood, a human kind capable <strong>of</strong> change and adjustment. Examination <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

experimental demonstrations and more general applications <strong>of</strong> socialization <strong>the</strong>ory illuminate <strong>the</strong> promises it held for gender, race and<br />

citizenship in <strong>the</strong> 1950s.<br />

Mary S. Morgan, London School <strong>of</strong> Economics and University <strong>of</strong> Amsterdam (m.morgan@lse.ac.uk)<br />

Sunday, 21-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom II & III<br />

The Prisoner’s Dilemma and ‘Modern’ Economics<br />

This paper analyses <strong>the</strong> relationships between two early nineteenth century practical sciences in Britain, namely experimental farming<br />

and classical political economy. The experimental farming activity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> day provided both form and content for David Ricardo’s <strong>the</strong>ory<br />

<strong>of</strong> distribution about <strong>the</strong> allocation <strong>of</strong> output between economic classes. The formulation <strong>of</strong> his <strong>the</strong>orizing paralleled <strong>the</strong> reporting<br />

mode <strong>of</strong> farming experiments, not only in <strong>the</strong>ir shared accounting regimes, but also in <strong>the</strong> thought experiments to be found in each<br />

successive move in his argument. The content <strong>of</strong> his thought experiments mirrored <strong>the</strong> contemporary agricultural experiments that<br />

tested out <strong>the</strong> local applicability <strong>of</strong> technical changes introduced in <strong>the</strong> previous century. But <strong>the</strong> peculiarities <strong>of</strong> his arguments about<br />

rent can be linked directly to particular questions about spade-husbandry, an issue subject to debate and experiment precisely during <strong>the</strong><br />

years he was developing his <strong>the</strong>ory.<br />

Timothy Moy, University <strong>of</strong> New Mexico (tdmoy@unm.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Recent Applications <strong>of</strong> <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong> and Technology in National Security Policy<br />

Recent debates over science- and technology-oriented national security policies in <strong>the</strong> United States bear some resemblance to debates<br />

earlier in <strong>the</strong> 20th century. In this paper, I will examine how <strong>the</strong> histories <strong>of</strong> technology-based military reform have been used, and misused,<br />

in shaping American national security policies and practices since <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Cold War.<br />

Shawn Mullet, Harvard University (mullet@fas.harvard.edu)<br />

Thursday, <strong>18</strong>-Nov-04, 5:00 - 7:00 PM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

Documenting Atomic Espionage: Historians’ Uses <strong>of</strong> Government Files<br />

Since <strong>the</strong> 1974 amendments to <strong>the</strong> Freedom <strong>of</strong> Information Act, historians have made ample use <strong>of</strong> government generated documents<br />

such as FBI files. In <strong>the</strong> historical literature on atomic espionage such files have been given great significance in that <strong>the</strong>y <strong>of</strong>fer a detailed<br />

account <strong>of</strong> events for which no o<strong>the</strong>r written record exists. In examining <strong>the</strong> cases <strong>of</strong> Joseph Weinberg and G. Rossi Lomanitz, physics<br />

graduate students at Berkeley who were part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Manhattan Project and accused <strong>of</strong> espionage, this paper questions <strong>the</strong> legitimacy <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> accounts <strong>of</strong>fered in such files. After tracing out <strong>the</strong> main problems associated with government documents on atomic espionage, it


is argued that <strong>the</strong>y should be treated with a degree <strong>of</strong> skepticism that is traditionally associated with oral histories.<br />

Tania Munz, Princeton University (tmunz@princeton.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom VII<br />

Birds, Bees, Lights, Camera, Action - Karl von Frisch, Konrad Lorenz and <strong>the</strong> Behavior <strong>of</strong> Animals on Film<br />

In this paper, I discuss <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> film in <strong>the</strong> animal behavior studies <strong>of</strong> Nobel Laureates Karl von Frisch and Konrad Lorenz. Both<br />

scientists were enthusiastic and prolific producers <strong>of</strong> films. They used <strong>the</strong> medium as a scientific instrument - to capture, slow down,<br />

and repeat behaviors - and as a didactic tool in <strong>the</strong>ir many popular and scientific lectures. I analyze how <strong>the</strong>y tailored <strong>the</strong>ir films to fit<br />

different audiences and discuss <strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir collaboration with <strong>the</strong> German Reichsstelle für den Unterrichtsfilm (later, <strong>the</strong><br />

Göttingen Institut für den Wissenschaftlichen Film), <strong>the</strong> government arm that supported and distributed most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir films. I also show<br />

how von Frisch and Lorenz managed tensions between aes<strong>the</strong>tics, entertainment and standards <strong>of</strong> scientific decorum, and analyze <strong>the</strong><br />

epistemological status <strong>of</strong> film as a scientific tool - how was <strong>the</strong> medium seen vis-à-vis naked-eye observations and how did <strong>the</strong> staging<br />

<strong>of</strong> animals and <strong>the</strong>ir surroundings and <strong>the</strong> inclusion <strong>of</strong> drawn animations affect its perceived truth content?<br />

Jane H. Murphy, Princeton University (jmurphy@princeton.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country A<br />

The Ubiquity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ‘Uncommon <strong>Science</strong>s’: Scientific Practices in <strong>18</strong>th-Century Cairo<br />

Questions <strong>of</strong> how to characterize and in turn periodize <strong>18</strong>th-century Egyptian scientific practices have been at <strong>the</strong> heart <strong>of</strong> a debate<br />

over Ottoman intellectual life <strong>of</strong> that age. By carefully examining both <strong>the</strong> intellectual issues that invigorated <strong>18</strong>th-century manuscripts<br />

and <strong>the</strong> social settings in which <strong>the</strong>se texts and <strong>the</strong>ir authors circulated, <strong>the</strong> scientific practices <strong>the</strong>mselves become valuable sources for<br />

understanding <strong>the</strong> wider intellectual and social worlds <strong>of</strong> eighteenth-century Cairo and <strong>the</strong>ir place in Ottoman and Mediterranean contexts.<br />

I show that different social and linguistic groups were brought toge<strong>the</strong>r by scientific interest and that <strong>the</strong>se practices were in no<br />

way anti<strong>the</strong>tical to scholarly religion, Sufism or elite Mamluk culture, but that <strong>the</strong>y existed primarily because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir role in <strong>the</strong>se circles.<br />

Carla Suzan Nappi, Princeton University (nappi@princeton.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country A<br />

Dragon’s Blood and Cardamom: The Foreign and <strong>the</strong> Distant in Early Modern Chinese Natural <strong>History</strong><br />

The history <strong>of</strong> foreign natural objects in China is simultaneously a history <strong>of</strong> poison and plague, medicine and commerce. In a literary<br />

tradition fundamentally concerned with reporting, judging and “correcting” <strong>the</strong> wisdom <strong>of</strong> past and contemporary scholars, deciding<br />

what stories to believe, and why, played a primary role in discussions <strong>of</strong> natural objects. As <strong>the</strong>y had been previously, observability and<br />

visibility were important grounds for demonstrating <strong>the</strong> believability <strong>of</strong> claims about <strong>the</strong> natural world, which created an interesting set<br />

<strong>of</strong> epistemological negotiations around plants and animals that were NOT easily observable: those at <strong>the</strong> tops <strong>of</strong> mountains or deep in<br />

deserts, buried in vast oceans or deep snow, those whose lifetimes lasted thousands <strong>of</strong> years, those from foreign lands and unfamiliar<br />

texts. Shadow, burial, and obscurity are important loci for illuminating Chinese notions <strong>of</strong> nature. Since earliest recorded times Chinese<br />

natural history writings incorporated records and descriptions <strong>of</strong> animals and plants from distant lands and foreign languages, and early<br />

modern scholarship on natural objects was particularly rich with such claims. Through a careful study <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> treatment <strong>of</strong> “foreign”<br />

nature in late Ming and early Qing texts, <strong>the</strong> paper will illustrate <strong>the</strong> simultaneous roles <strong>of</strong> observation and obscurity as crucial aspects<br />

<strong>of</strong> knowledge-making in 16th and 17th century China, and will attempt to place China in an “early modern” world system <strong>of</strong> commerce<br />

<strong>of</strong> goods and ideas about <strong>the</strong> natural world.<br />

William Max Nelson, University <strong>of</strong> Califorina, Los Angeles (williamn@ucla.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Healing Time’s Eunuch: Buffon and <strong>the</strong> Generation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Future in Enlightenment France<br />

The French philosophe Georges Buffon is well-known as a natural historian, but several dimensions <strong>of</strong> his important role in <strong>the</strong><br />

Enlightenment transformation <strong>of</strong> historical temporality have been overlooked. In <strong>the</strong> mid-eighteenth century, Buffon carried out<br />

numerous experiments with animals in an attempt to find <strong>the</strong> means to counter-act what he perceived as <strong>the</strong>ir degeneration. Buffon<br />

began his endeavor attempting to harness nature’s own regenerative tendency toward a balanced original state. In <strong>the</strong> process, he identified<br />

and articulated <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>oretical means to “embellish” nature and exceed its original state. He thus opened-up, to an unprecedented<br />

degree, <strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> constructing <strong>the</strong> future <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> natural world through willful human intervention. Quite ironically, <strong>the</strong> understanding<br />

<strong>of</strong> historical temporality was transformed as <strong>the</strong> constructability <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> future arose out <strong>of</strong> Buffon’s attempts to recover a<br />

“lost” state <strong>of</strong> nature.<br />

Elizabeth R. Neswald, National University <strong>of</strong> Ireland, Galway (lukretz@hotmail.com)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Hill Country B


Itinerants and Institutions: Popularizing <strong>Science</strong> in 19th-century Provincial Ireland<br />

In <strong>the</strong> early to mid-19th century, Ireland was an overwhelmingly rural country with few centers <strong>of</strong> industrial activity, poorly developed<br />

infrastructures and a population with only little access to education. Interest in science was, none<strong>the</strong>less, widespread, and most provincial<br />

centers supported Mechanics’ Institutes and various types <strong>of</strong> scientific societies. Local financial and intellectual resources were, however,<br />

rarely sufficient to sustain <strong>the</strong>se initiatives. Formal and informal networks <strong>of</strong> itinerant lecturers, demonstrators and instrument<br />

makers, including <strong>the</strong> government-sponsored Provincial Lecturers’ Scheme supplemented, stimulated and even enabled participation in<br />

science at <strong>the</strong> local level. Studying <strong>the</strong> interaction between local initiatives and government-sponsored and directed schemes for science<br />

education, this paper investigates access to science and <strong>the</strong> dissemination <strong>of</strong> scientific knowledge in provincial Ireland and contradicts<br />

<strong>the</strong> widespread assumption in Irish historiography that science was rejected as being an external, Protestant imposition and thus inherently<br />

un-Irish.<br />

Peter Neushul, University <strong>of</strong> California, Santa Barbara (pneushul@cox.net)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

World War II War Production at Caltech: The Rocket Program<br />

Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s “Arsenal <strong>of</strong> Democracy” marshaled <strong>the</strong> talents <strong>of</strong> American scientists in both industry and academe.<br />

Wartime research yielded revolutionary new technologies that changed <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> World War II. Universities made a substantial<br />

contribution, building new laboratories with funds from <strong>the</strong> U.S. government. Traditionally academic scientists focused on basic and<br />

applied scientific problems with occasional interest in technology. During WW II this dynamic changed significantly as University<br />

researchers performed basic research, developed technologies and even fostered <strong>the</strong>ir mass production. This “scaling up process,” <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

associated with industry, was particularly effective at <strong>the</strong> California Institute <strong>of</strong> Technology (Caltech) where an elite team <strong>of</strong> researchers<br />

designed, tested, and produced rockets for <strong>the</strong> U.S. Navy beginning in 1940. In less than five years, Caltech’s High Velocity Air Rocket<br />

and Tiny Tim went from conceptual design to testing and mass production. Immediately following World War II <strong>the</strong>se technologies led<br />

to <strong>the</strong> WAC Corporal program that put <strong>the</strong> first rocket beyond <strong>the</strong> Earth’s atmosphere and fostered new aerospace industries in<br />

Sou<strong>the</strong>rn California. Caltech’s wartime success also produced a long term relationship between <strong>the</strong> University, government, and industry<br />

that characterized post-war U.S. science and technology policy.<br />

Keith A. Nier, Independent Scholar/ Chemical Heritage Foundation (nierfam@verizon.net)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

Development <strong>of</strong> Mass Spectrometry: Weighing Ions and <strong>the</strong> Nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong><br />

The creation, successful growth, and extreme diversification <strong>of</strong> mass spectrometry has been a major feature <strong>of</strong> a multitude <strong>of</strong> scientific<br />

and technological fields over <strong>the</strong> past hundred years. Never<strong>the</strong>less, this kind <strong>of</strong> work usually has been barely mentioned in history <strong>of</strong><br />

science and given even less attention by those pr<strong>of</strong>fering accounts <strong>of</strong> science in general. General understanding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong><br />

modern science has been seriously skewed by this oversight. A brief survey <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> continuously multi-national and multi-disciplinary<br />

development <strong>of</strong> mass spectrometry will indicate <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> this range <strong>of</strong> scientific and technological work. Almost <strong>the</strong> whole<br />

<strong>of</strong> recent science is tied into <strong>the</strong> overall story, along with much industrial and governmental history, with interesting implications <strong>of</strong><br />

many sorts. In <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> mass spectrometry one can see sophisticated specialization produce unity <strong>of</strong> science and social construction<br />

lead to objectivity and commensurability. This overview will illustrate how differently, even old fashioned, science can appear when<br />

one takes seriously scientific work that is characterized primarily by measurement, not just experiment, by determinations <strong>of</strong> fact ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />

than just tests <strong>of</strong> explanations, and by technical capabilities as much (or more) as by <strong>the</strong>oretical perspectives.<br />

Ca<strong>the</strong>rine Nisbett, Princeton University (cnisbett@princeton.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom V<br />

Marriage and Widowhood in Amateur Astronomy<br />

When Anna Palmer married Henry Draper in <strong>18</strong>67, she married into an astronomical family. Both Henry and his fa<strong>the</strong>r John had earned<br />

reputations for <strong>the</strong>mselves in <strong>the</strong> American scientific community. Anna and Henry’s first days toge<strong>the</strong>r were spent shopping for <strong>the</strong><br />

glass that Henry would grind into a 24-inch lens, and <strong>the</strong>y went on to spend every clear night toge<strong>the</strong>r at <strong>the</strong>ir observatory in Hastingson-Hudson.<br />

Henry died suddenly in <strong>18</strong>82, and for a time Anna tried to continue his work herself before being forced to relinquish her<br />

dream and several thousand dollars to <strong>the</strong> Henry Draper Memorial at Harvard College Observatory. This paper will explore how Henry<br />

and Anna worked toge<strong>the</strong>r and what <strong>the</strong>y produced at <strong>the</strong>ir observatory, what it meant for <strong>the</strong>m that he was an important amateur, and<br />

what place she carved out for herself after his death. Their story will contribute to one already begus with Helena Pycior’s edited volume<br />

Creative Couples in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Science</strong>s, and will extend <strong>the</strong> story <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Draper’s partnership into Anna’s widowhood.<br />

Joe November, Princeton University (november@princeton.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country C<br />

DENDRAL: Automating Hypo<strong>the</strong>sis Formation


In <strong>the</strong> late 1960s, computer scientists Edward Feigenbaum and Bruce Buchanan and geneticist Joshua Lederberg led Stanford<br />

University’s DENDRAL (Dendritic Algorithm) project, an effort to develop heuristic computer programs capable <strong>of</strong> emulating <strong>the</strong><br />

decision-making process through which chemists infer <strong>the</strong> structures <strong>of</strong> complex organic molecules from mass spectrographic analysis<br />

data. As an exemplar <strong>of</strong> expert systems, DENDRAL is remembered primarily for its contributions to <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> artificial intelligence,<br />

but as <strong>the</strong> embodiment <strong>of</strong> a formal attempt to model and automate problem-solving behavior it also provides <strong>the</strong> means to investigate<br />

how scientists’ hypo<strong>the</strong>sis-formation practices and computer technology have shaped one ano<strong>the</strong>r. An examination <strong>of</strong> DENDRAL also<br />

illuminates <strong>the</strong> unique nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> changes computers brought to laboratory practice; like many later computer systems, DENDRAL<br />

effectively automated creative processes, thus setting it apart from o<strong>the</strong>r instruments—e.g. electron microscopes and ultracentrifuges—<br />

regarded as agents <strong>of</strong> epistemological change. Finally, because DENDRAL’s proponents explicitly incorporated into <strong>the</strong>ir system’s<br />

design conventions <strong>the</strong>y derived from <strong>the</strong>n prevalent discourses <strong>of</strong> history and philosophy <strong>of</strong> science, exploring DENDRAL provides<br />

a singular opportunity to help elucidate <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essional study <strong>of</strong> science on science itself.<br />

Lynn K. Nyhart, University <strong>of</strong> Wisconsin, Madison (lknyhart@wisc.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Bringing Natural <strong>History</strong> to Life: “Practical” Natural <strong>History</strong>, Museums, and Zoos in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Germany<br />

In this paper, I examine a German movement in <strong>the</strong> <strong>18</strong>60s and <strong>18</strong>70s to reform and enliven natural history. Articulated most clearly<br />

by <strong>the</strong> self-described “practical naturalist” Philipp Leopold Martin (<strong>18</strong>15-<strong>18</strong>86) in his multi-volume Praxis der Naturgeschichte (<strong>18</strong>69-<strong>18</strong>82),<br />

this movement sought to liberate natural history from <strong>the</strong> deadening science <strong>of</strong> systematics, simultaneously restoring life to <strong>the</strong> subject<br />

and giving it a broader appeal. In opposing systematics, Martin was pushing for something bigger than an alternative <strong>the</strong>oretical perspective:<br />

he sought to play down <strong>the</strong> significance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory overall and elevate <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> praxis in natural history, to enhance <strong>the</strong> status<br />

<strong>of</strong> those who cultivated <strong>the</strong> “practical” aspects <strong>of</strong> natural history, such as taxidermic preparation, museum display, and caring for<br />

living animals. Reformed natural history would thus take natural history out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> hands <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essors and place it in those <strong>of</strong> “<strong>the</strong><br />

people.” An examination <strong>of</strong> this reform movement <strong>of</strong>fers a new perspective on <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> natural history practice that views both<br />

museums and zoos as vehicles for a common reform end.<br />

Naomi Oreskes, University <strong>of</strong> California, San Diego (noreskes@ucsd.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

Secrecy and Sea-floor Spreading<br />

The Mertonian belief that science must operate under conditions <strong>of</strong> free and open communication has been refuted by our knowledge<br />

<strong>of</strong> Soviet and American science in <strong>the</strong> Cold War. Yet <strong>the</strong> question remains how scientists negotiated <strong>the</strong> competing demands <strong>of</strong> security<br />

and revelation, and what effects <strong>the</strong>se maneuvers may have had on <strong>the</strong>ir science. This paper examines <strong>the</strong>se questions through <strong>the</strong><br />

lens <strong>of</strong> one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> major developments <strong>of</strong> 20th century earth science, <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> sea-floor spreading. Harry Hess’s concept <strong>of</strong> seafloor<br />

spreading was critical to <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> plate tectonics, which in <strong>the</strong> late 1960s became <strong>the</strong> unifying <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong><br />

modern earth science—<strong>the</strong> first generally accepted global tectonic <strong>the</strong>ory in <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> science. Hess’s ideas were inspired and supported<br />

to a considerable degree by new information about <strong>the</strong> sea floor, acquired by American earth scientists working under Navy<br />

sponsorship, but <strong>the</strong> Navy did not collect bathymetric data for <strong>the</strong>ir relevance to tectonic <strong>the</strong>ories; it collected <strong>the</strong>m for <strong>the</strong>ir relevance<br />

to navigation and <strong>the</strong> accurate launching <strong>of</strong> inter-continental ballistic missile, Because <strong>of</strong> this relevance, Navy bathymetric data were<br />

routinely classified. Did this matter? Hess thought so, and repeatedly strove to convince <strong>the</strong> Navy to release classified data on <strong>the</strong><br />

ocean floor, arguing that critical work was being stymied. This paper examines <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> secrecy on <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> scientific<br />

knowledge about <strong>the</strong> Earth in <strong>the</strong> mid 1950s and ‘60s, and suggests that <strong>the</strong> general climate <strong>of</strong> secrecy if not <strong>the</strong> particulars <strong>of</strong> security<br />

protocols—did indeed impede <strong>the</strong> dissemination, contextualization, and interpretation <strong>of</strong> critical data. A great deal was learned<br />

about <strong>the</strong> oceans as a result <strong>of</strong> Navy sponsorship <strong>of</strong> oceanographic research, but that sponsorship was not without its costs, both<br />

human and epistemic.<br />

Hanna Östholm, Dept for <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong> and Ideas, Uppsala University (hanna.ostholm@idehist.uu.se)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country A<br />

The “Idea <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> University”: The Impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Berlin University on Scandinavia and Sweden in Early 19th Century<br />

Kant, Schelling, Fichte, Schleiermacher and Humboldt were <strong>the</strong> major <strong>the</strong>orists on higher education, and also read by Swedish intellectuals<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir time. Their influence on <strong>the</strong> debate on higher education seems unquestionable, but early references to <strong>the</strong>m are surprisingly<br />

scarce. However, <strong>the</strong>re was an ongoing discussion during early 19th century about <strong>the</strong> purpose and structure <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> university, concerning<br />

<strong>the</strong> proper disciplines, <strong>the</strong> organization and relation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> faculties as well as <strong>the</strong> universities’ location and relation to society –<br />

all <strong>of</strong> which both Swedish and German authors touched upon. During this time <strong>the</strong> Berlin University had been recently founded, as had<br />

<strong>the</strong> universities <strong>of</strong> Christiania (Oslo), Norway and Helsinki, Finland. A major inquiry <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Swedish education was published in <strong>18</strong>28,<br />

and will be discussed both in European and Nordic context.<br />

Laura Otis, H<strong>of</strong>stra University (otis@mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country D


Haeckel’s Deferred Action<br />

As Ernst Haeckel developed his scientific ideas, he steadily altered his portrait <strong>of</strong> his teacher, Johannes Mueller. Each <strong>of</strong> Mueller’s most<br />

famous students (Henle, Schwann, Virchow, Remak, DuBois-Reymond, Helmholtz, and Haeckel) told his own story about what Mueller<br />

was like, but Haeckel’s has had some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> greatest impact on <strong>the</strong> historical record. As Mueller’s last prominent pupil, Haeckel had <strong>the</strong><br />

last word, serving as pallbearer at his teacher’s funeral. Unlike Mueller’s more physiologically oriented students, Haeckel adored Mueller’s<br />

comparative anatomy and marine biology, taking Mueller’s studies <strong>of</strong> radiolaria as his scientific point <strong>of</strong> departure . In Haeckel’s early<br />

works, he mentioned Mueller mainly to cite specific anatomical studies, but his references to him began to change after his enthusiastic<br />

adoption <strong>of</strong> evolutionary <strong>the</strong>ory in <strong>the</strong> mid-<strong>18</strong>60s. Haeckel’s embrace <strong>of</strong> Darwinism set <strong>of</strong>f an extended process <strong>of</strong> Nachtraeglichkeit<br />

(Deferred Action) in his history <strong>of</strong> science which caused him to depict Mueller as endorsing evolution in retrospect. An admirer <strong>of</strong><br />

Cuvier, Mueller never believed that species evolved, so this narrative maneuver required considerable agility on Haeckel’s part. In his latest<br />

depictions <strong>of</strong> Mueller (1900-1910), Haeckel portrayed his teacher as obsessed with <strong>the</strong> relations between animal forms but unable<br />

to solve <strong>the</strong> “Raetsel” <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir affinities, a “Raetsel” that he, Haeckel <strong>the</strong>n solved with his version <strong>of</strong> evolution and his monistic philosophy.<br />

Haeckel was <strong>the</strong> only student <strong>of</strong> Mueller to claim that his teacher committed suicide, yet his account <strong>of</strong> Mueller’s unexpected<br />

death in <strong>18</strong>58 (at age 57) has been widely accepted. A close analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> way Haeckel changes his portrait <strong>of</strong> Mueller over time reveals<br />

how markedly scientists’ current perceptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own work can shape <strong>the</strong> stories <strong>the</strong>y tell about science’s history.<br />

Sharrona Pearl, Harvard University (spearl@fas.harvard.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Big Bend A, B, & C<br />

Natural-Born Beggars: Physiognomy and Determinism in Victorian Britain<br />

This paper will examine <strong>the</strong> Victorian discourse <strong>of</strong> self-improvement and personal change against <strong>the</strong> biological determinsim <strong>of</strong> physiognomy.<br />

Using published monographs as well as newspaper and periodical literature, I will look at <strong>the</strong> ways in which <strong>the</strong> political and<br />

class implications <strong>of</strong> “being born to a face” were used to limit <strong>the</strong> mobility <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> London poor. I will argue that physiognomy provided<br />

a justification for London’s urban underclass that resonated with and contributed to anti-welfare <strong>the</strong>ories <strong>of</strong> Spencer and Malthus. I<br />

will consider <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> visual culture and caricature in establishing <strong>the</strong> paramaters <strong>of</strong> this underclass, and <strong>the</strong> ways in which visual cues<br />

and perception <strong>of</strong>fered an approach to questions <strong>of</strong> will and determinism.<br />

Slobodan Perovic, York University (perovic@yorku.ca)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom V<br />

Recent Revival <strong>of</strong> Schrödinger’s<br />

Ideas on Interpreting Quantum Mechanics and Relevance <strong>of</strong> Their Early Experimental Critique<br />

E. Schrödinger’s early ideas on interpreting quantum mechanics, as well as <strong>the</strong>ir later reformulation, have been recently reexamined by<br />

historians and revived among philosophers <strong>of</strong> quantum mechanics. The doctrines <strong>of</strong> relational holism and emergentism arise as neo-<br />

Schrödingerian doctrines. These doctrines share with both Schrödinger’s earlier and later views <strong>the</strong> common assumption that <strong>the</strong> corpuscular<br />

properties <strong>of</strong> quantum systems can be successfully discarded, and <strong>the</strong> discontinuities related to measurements successfully<br />

reformulated in wave-mechanical terms or within <strong>the</strong> framework <strong>of</strong> quantum field <strong>the</strong>ory. I argue that <strong>the</strong>se doctrines fail to acknowledge<br />

<strong>the</strong> significance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> experimental results concerning electron scattering, in <strong>the</strong> face <strong>of</strong> which Schrödinger himself abandoned<br />

his 1926 interpretation, and which haunted his return to <strong>the</strong>se ideas in <strong>the</strong> 1930s. In his 1926 papers, Schrödinger argued against Bohr’s<br />

discontinuous account <strong>of</strong> quantum phenomena, suggesting that <strong>the</strong> atomism <strong>of</strong> classical mechanics fails with regard to very small<br />

dimensions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> path and very great curvatures. The true laws <strong>of</strong> quantum mechanics show that <strong>the</strong> particle cannot be treated as a<br />

single unit, but ra<strong>the</strong>r must be seen as a manifold <strong>of</strong> paths. Bohr, however, confuted Schrödinger’s interpretation. Schrödinger agreed<br />

with Bohr’s critique, based on <strong>the</strong> experiments performed by Compton and Simon and Geiger and Bo<strong>the</strong>, which demonstrated <strong>the</strong> corpuscular<br />

nature <strong>of</strong> atomic interactions. The experiment’s key point was <strong>the</strong> angle-dependency that indicated ordinary corpuscular interaction<br />

between field and matter. In 1935, Shankland’s experiment demonstrated an apparent conflict with <strong>the</strong> results <strong>of</strong> Bo<strong>the</strong>-Geiger,<br />

partially inspiring Schrödinger’s return to <strong>the</strong> wave-mechanical interpretation. Subsequent measurements, however, have proven <strong>the</strong> original<br />

experimental results accurate. I conclude that <strong>the</strong> neo-Schrödingerian trend should be cautioned by <strong>the</strong>se experimental results, in<br />

which <strong>the</strong> corpuscular properties cannot be “explained away” in wave-mechanical terms, as <strong>the</strong> discontinuities related to <strong>the</strong> measurement<br />

results may. These results concern <strong>the</strong> pre-measurement property <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> interaction that we come to know indirectly through <strong>the</strong><br />

angle-dependency.<br />

Jahnavi Phalkey, Georgia Institute <strong>of</strong> Technology (jphalkey@mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de.)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country B<br />

Meghnad Saha and <strong>the</strong> Calcutta Cyclotron<br />

The origins <strong>of</strong> nuclear physics can be traced to a few centers in Western Europe and later to <strong>the</strong> United States. However, <strong>the</strong>re were<br />

physicists in o<strong>the</strong>r countries on <strong>the</strong> international periphery, where local scientific communities tried to keep up with <strong>the</strong> research frontiers<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir disciplines for various reasons, within constraints and with varying results. This paper will examine <strong>the</strong> motivations to establish<br />

a nuclear physics research facility by Meghnad Saha, through <strong>the</strong> story <strong>of</strong> building <strong>the</strong> first cyclotron in Calcutta, British India beginning<br />

1938. Meghnad Saha joined <strong>the</strong> department <strong>of</strong> physics in <strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong> Calcutta in 1935. Traveling on a Carnegie Fellowship<br />

in <strong>the</strong> USA, Saha met Ernest O. Lawrence whose group in Berkeley built <strong>the</strong> first cyclotron accelerator. In 1938, Saha sent an Indian


student, B. D. Nagchaudhari to work with Lawrence so that he would come back and construct a cyclotron for Saha’s laboratory in<br />

Calcutta. It was decided to build a 38” (5 MeV) cyclotron and <strong>the</strong> 50-ton magnet arrived safely in India in 1942. However, <strong>the</strong> work on<br />

<strong>the</strong> cyclotron came to a halt in 1944 when Japanese torpedoes sank <strong>the</strong> ship carrying high vacuum pumps. There were efforts to fabricate<br />

<strong>the</strong> pumps locally in <strong>the</strong> laboratory workshop with small grants from <strong>the</strong> colonial government. The cyclotron did not function properly,<br />

and work was slow during <strong>the</strong> period <strong>of</strong> political turmoil leading to Indian independence in 1947, when Nagchaudhari went back<br />

to Berkeley and this time successfully shipped <strong>the</strong> pumps. It was only in 1959 that people in <strong>the</strong> laboratory got <strong>the</strong> cyclotron working.<br />

It produced its first effective external beam in 1965. This paper will explore <strong>the</strong> reasons for this delay. It will also provide an overview<br />

<strong>of</strong> industrial support in a colonial situation towards handling research at <strong>the</strong> frontier.<br />

Tiberiu Marcel Popa, University <strong>of</strong> Pittsburgh (tmpst26@pitt.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Big Bend A, B, & C<br />

Metaphysical Implications <strong>of</strong> Aristotle’s Chemistry<br />

This paper aims to examine a significant point <strong>of</strong> convergence between Aristotle’s science, metaphysics, and natural philosophy, and<br />

focuses on a particular aspect <strong>of</strong> his treatment <strong>of</strong> powers or dispositions. My main claim is that Aristotle’s so-called chemical treatise,<br />

‘Meteorology’ IV, is meant to cast light on <strong>the</strong> connection between two types <strong>of</strong> dispositional properties that are dominant in his biology<br />

(material dispositions like fragility and solubility, and capacities to perform specific functions – such as <strong>the</strong> capacity <strong>of</strong> a healthy eye<br />

to see or <strong>the</strong> capacity <strong>of</strong> flesh to function as a medium for touch). The connection between <strong>the</strong>se two orders <strong>of</strong> dispositions, as revealed<br />

in ‘Meteorology’ IV, appears to be centered on two applications <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> distinction (in ‘De Anima’ II. 5) between different levels <strong>of</strong><br />

potentiality and actuality. These applications <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ‘De Anima’ model form an important contribution to Aristotle’s <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> potentiality<br />

(as put forth in his ‘Metaphysics’) and seem to foreshadow contemporary <strong>the</strong>ories <strong>of</strong> dispositions. Most importantly, however,<br />

<strong>the</strong>se two orders <strong>of</strong> capacities point firmly to <strong>the</strong> way in which Aristotle’s chemistry is supposed to be relevant to his zoological treatises.<br />

Nicholas Popper, Princeton University (npopper@Princeton.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Abraham, Planter <strong>of</strong> Ma<strong>the</strong>matics: Making Ma<strong>the</strong>matics Orthodox in Early Modern England<br />

In <strong>the</strong> late 16th and early 17th centuries, scholars debated <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ological orthodoxy <strong>of</strong> ma<strong>the</strong>matical practice and natural magic. Some<br />

defended <strong>the</strong>se practices by claiming that <strong>the</strong>y required only <strong>the</strong> acceptable manipulation <strong>of</strong> natural causes. But o<strong>the</strong>rs sought to legitimate<br />

such activities by constructing genealogies highlighting <strong>the</strong>ir orthodox origins. My talk will show how two early modern English<br />

observers, Gabriel Harvey and Walter Ralegh, created histories supporting <strong>the</strong> licitness <strong>of</strong> ma<strong>the</strong>matical practices. Both had been<br />

attacked by opponents who depicted <strong>the</strong>ir knowledge and use <strong>of</strong> ma<strong>the</strong>matics as heretical and dangerous. Both responded by constructing<br />

detailed lineages for <strong>the</strong>se practices, extending far back through antiquity. Their genealogies displayed <strong>the</strong> licit origins <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se arts,<br />

and showed that <strong>the</strong> inventors used ma<strong>the</strong>matics and natural magic as forms <strong>of</strong> proper worship. The propriety <strong>of</strong> natural magic and<br />

ma<strong>the</strong>matical practice, <strong>the</strong>n, was proven by revealing <strong>the</strong> creation and transmission <strong>of</strong> such learning in historical individuals and communities.<br />

Theodore M. Porter, University <strong>of</strong> Califorina, Los Angeles (tporter@history.ucla.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom V<br />

The Cultivated Scientist: Fashioning a Self for a New Age <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong><br />

Scientific naturalism in late Victorian Britain is now commonly understood as an ideology for <strong>the</strong> new pr<strong>of</strong>essional scientist. Along with<br />

this effort to establish a new basis for a scientific career, however, naturalists such as Huxley talked <strong>of</strong> a “new Reformation,” in which<br />

science would assume many functions hi<strong>the</strong>rto identified with Christianity or with a classical literary education. Victorian “men <strong>of</strong> science”<br />

did not generally think that this role could be filled by armies <strong>of</strong> specialists whose background and training were narrowly technical.<br />

They were pursuing something much grander than enhanced career possibilities for pr<strong>of</strong>essional scientists. The coming scientific<br />

society would require men <strong>of</strong> liberal education. But how could science provide this? “Scientific method,” signifying both a mode <strong>of</strong><br />

inquiry and a morality <strong>of</strong> truth-seeking, was valued as a solution to this dilemma, a rationale for specialized knowledge that need not be<br />

narrowing. Perhaps <strong>the</strong> greatest cultural problem for science in <strong>the</strong> late nineteenth century was to explain how <strong>the</strong> scientist could be<br />

cultivated and wise.<br />

Maria M. Portuondo, The Johns Hopkins University (mportuondo@sprynet.com)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country C<br />

Mapmakers at Work: Constructing a Map <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> New World<br />

During <strong>the</strong> 16th century Spanish royal cosmographers resorted to descriptive narratives and maps to depict <strong>the</strong> geography <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> New<br />

World. This presentation explores <strong>the</strong> epistemological and methodological facets <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir geographical works by focusing on <strong>the</strong> practices<br />

associated with constructing a map <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> New World. The practice <strong>of</strong> translating textual descriptions into maps is illustrated<br />

through <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> royal cosmographer, Juan López de Velasco (c. 1530-1598).


Matt Price, Univeristy <strong>of</strong> Toronto (matt.price@utoronto.ca)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom VII<br />

The Hand, Human Nature, and <strong>the</strong> Art <strong>of</strong> Pros<strong>the</strong>sis in World War I<br />

In <strong>the</strong> most authoritative German work on pros<strong>the</strong>tics design to emerge from <strong>the</strong> fires <strong>of</strong> World War I, <strong>the</strong> great mechanical engineer<br />

Georg Schlesinger has as his epigraph a misquotation from Kant’s Anthropologie in pragmatischer Hinsicht. This transcription error<br />

illuminates <strong>the</strong> fundamentally novel character <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> early twentieth century project <strong>of</strong> pros<strong>the</strong>sis, and <strong>the</strong> notions <strong>of</strong> mind, body, and<br />

machine that it developed. Engineers’ and doctors’ attempts to tie <strong>the</strong>ir work back to <strong>the</strong> tradition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> German Enlightenment only<br />

highlight <strong>the</strong> vast gulf that separates <strong>the</strong>se two eras and <strong>the</strong> meanings <strong>the</strong>y attached to all-important terms like reason, nation, and even<br />

soul. I discuss <strong>the</strong> project <strong>of</strong> pros<strong>the</strong>tic design and physical rehabilitation <strong>of</strong> maimed soldiers as a project for <strong>the</strong> technical manipulation<br />

<strong>of</strong> subjectivity, and as part <strong>of</strong> a utopian political project which, though seeking to ground itself in <strong>the</strong> Enlightenment, misunderstood<br />

its dramatic separation from <strong>the</strong> earlier era.<br />

Patricia Princehouse, Case Western Reserve University (patricia.princehouse@case.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

Haeckel, Goldschmidt, Gould: 100 Years <strong>of</strong> Contrarian Darwinians<br />

Contrary to popular (and much academic) opinion, <strong>the</strong>re is no one, true Darwinism, but a dynamic matrix <strong>of</strong> ideas and approaches that<br />

embody and extend Darwin’s own plurality <strong>of</strong> interests and <strong>the</strong>ories. Germany demonstrates this in microcosm. The period from<br />

Haeckel and Weismann to Goldschmidt established <strong>the</strong> scope, nature, diversity and trajectory <strong>of</strong> German Darwinism in <strong>the</strong> twentieth<br />

century as <strong>the</strong>ories, experiments and field studies evolved and flourished. To date, historians have misunderstood or oversimplified<br />

German evolutionary <strong>the</strong>ory, concentrating on scientists and <strong>the</strong>mes isolated from <strong>the</strong> rich social and <strong>the</strong>oretical context <strong>of</strong> German<br />

biology. The multidimensionality <strong>of</strong> German biology and even <strong>the</strong> existence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> German Syn<strong>the</strong>sis <strong>of</strong> evolution (established prior<br />

to <strong>the</strong> Anglo-American Modern Syn<strong>the</strong>sis) have been elided. Yet a deep historical understanding <strong>of</strong> worldwide changes in late twentieth-century<br />

evolutionary <strong>the</strong>ory cannot be achieved without tracing <strong>the</strong> paths by which American paleontologists such as Raup, Eldredge<br />

and Gould followed Goldschmidt, Schindewolf and Seilacher, and movements such as paleobiology, punctuated equilibria, and evo-devo<br />

are rooted in <strong>the</strong> German Syn<strong>the</strong>sis.<br />

Lawrence Principe, Johns Hopkins University (LMAFP@jhu.edu)<br />

Thursday, <strong>18</strong>-Nov-04, 5:00 - 7:00 PM - Texas Ballroom VII<br />

Wilhelm Homberg and <strong>the</strong> Chymistry <strong>of</strong> Light<br />

Wilhelm Homberg (1652-1715) was <strong>the</strong> most celebrated and respected chemist <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> early <strong>18</strong>th century Academie Royale des <strong>Science</strong>s.<br />

One <strong>of</strong> his most dramatic claims, made in 1705, was that <strong>the</strong> matter <strong>of</strong> light was identical to <strong>the</strong> chemical principle <strong>of</strong> Sulphur. This<br />

paper strives to indicate <strong>the</strong> experimental background to this announcement, tracing <strong>the</strong> route by which Homberg was lead to this conclusion<br />

through seemingly unrelated experiments. The impact <strong>of</strong> Homberg’s claim is also briefly traced. This study illuminates not only<br />

<strong>the</strong> means by with <strong>the</strong>ories are drawn from practices, but also points to some issues in <strong>the</strong> historiography <strong>of</strong> early eighteenth century<br />

chemistry.<br />

Courtenay Raia, University <strong>of</strong> Califorina, Los Angeles (plscortena@aol.com)<br />

Thursday, <strong>18</strong>-Nov-04, 5:00 - 7:00 PM - Texas Ballroom V<br />

Frederic Myers, Depth Psychology and <strong>the</strong> Spiritual Anatomy <strong>of</strong> Mind:<br />

Searching for <strong>the</strong> Psychical Soul in Late 19th Century England<br />

This paper will examine how Frederic Myers, a British psychologist and psychical researcher, used abnormal states <strong>of</strong> consciousness<br />

to evidence <strong>the</strong> existence <strong>of</strong> a ‘subliminal self ’, a transcendent aspect <strong>of</strong> mind which provided a <strong>the</strong>oretical model for <strong>the</strong> “survival <strong>of</strong><br />

human personality after bodily death.” In this manner, he translated mental pathologies into spiritual possibilities, working against <strong>the</strong><br />

grain <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r contemporary deviance <strong>the</strong>ories and <strong>the</strong> materialistic models <strong>of</strong> mind on which <strong>the</strong>y were based. Myers conducted hundreds<br />

<strong>of</strong> case studies on various forms <strong>of</strong> mental influence, such as hypnotism, telepathy, and automatic writing, and his work served<br />

as a resource for Jung, James, McDougal and o<strong>the</strong>r psychologists looking for a more complex noesis than <strong>the</strong> prevailing neurobiological<br />

model allowed. At a time when much <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> psychology establishment was busily mapping <strong>the</strong> mechanical-chemical determinants<br />

<strong>of</strong> human behavior, Myers bundled his evidence into a wildly heterodox and expanded view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> human self. His <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> mind proposed<br />

a ‘multiplex’ personality, organized and coherent at <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> consciousness, but, subliminally, an unbounded, undifferentiated<br />

sea <strong>of</strong> potential selves and information. Myers borrowed from physicists’ idealized <strong>the</strong>ories <strong>of</strong> “<strong>the</strong> e<strong>the</strong>r” to counter <strong>the</strong> materialism<br />

<strong>of</strong> biologically-based models <strong>of</strong> mind, proposing that consciousness was a kind <strong>of</strong> sub-e<strong>the</strong>real soul occupying <strong>the</strong> continuum between<br />

matter (<strong>the</strong> brain) and a world within or beyond e<strong>the</strong>r. Theoretically, Myers moved in <strong>the</strong> opposite direction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mechanical reductionists,<br />

resisting both <strong>the</strong>ir determinism and materialism by enlarging <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> “<strong>the</strong> self,” and with it, <strong>the</strong> program <strong>of</strong> psychology.


Ronald Rainger, National <strong>Science</strong> Foundation (rrainger@nsf.gov )<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

Beyond Being Blue: The Expanding Domain <strong>of</strong> American Oceanography<br />

Mid-twentieth century American oceanography was a creature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Navy. During World War II new weapons systems, principally<br />

sonar, and mission oriented objectives shaped scientific research. After <strong>the</strong> war America’s global military and geopolitical goals influenced<br />

what kind <strong>of</strong> oceanographic work was done, with what tools, and where. But in <strong>the</strong> late 1950s, when government agencies asked<br />

<strong>the</strong>m to participate in studies <strong>of</strong> atomic radiation and maritime law, oceanographers grasped <strong>the</strong> opportunity to expand <strong>the</strong>ir domain.<br />

In addition to requesting greater funding for research and education, <strong>the</strong>y began to claim expertise in matters <strong>of</strong> international diplomacy,<br />

natural resource management, and environmental policy. Oceanography remained closely tied to <strong>the</strong> Navy and continued to serve<br />

<strong>the</strong> needs <strong>of</strong> national defense. Indeed increased fear <strong>of</strong> Soviet science and technology led to an expanded commitment to <strong>the</strong> science.<br />

Oceanographers took advantage <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> opportunity to obtain additional patrons. More importantly, <strong>the</strong>y employed studies <strong>of</strong> pollution,<br />

risk management, and o<strong>the</strong>r topics to expand <strong>the</strong>ir cultural authority.<br />

Joan L. Richards, Brown University (Joan_Richards@brown.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom V<br />

Parallel Universes: Visions <strong>of</strong> Reason in <strong>the</strong> De Morgan Household<br />

The family <strong>of</strong> Augustus and Sophia De Morgan was arguably among <strong>the</strong> most diversely creative <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Victorian era. Agustus De<br />

Morgan was <strong>the</strong> most prolific ma<strong>the</strong>matician and logician <strong>of</strong> his generation; his wife, Sophia, was an early pioneer in <strong>the</strong> world <strong>of</strong><br />

Victorian spiritualism. Five <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir seven children pre-deceased Sophia, but one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> survivors, William Frend De Morgan was<br />

England’s most powerful ceramic artist; his wife, Evelyn De Morgan, was a passionate pre-Raphaelite painter. This paper will explore<br />

<strong>the</strong> ways <strong>the</strong>se apparently divergent interests were integrated and supported by an ideal <strong>of</strong> reason that permeated <strong>the</strong> family life <strong>of</strong> at<br />

least two generations <strong>of</strong> De Morgans.<br />

Robert J. Richards, University <strong>of</strong> Chicago (r-richards@uchicago.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

Haeckel’s and Miklucho-Maclay’s Polymorphous Demonstration <strong>of</strong> Darwin’s Theory,<br />

or How to Deep-Six Your Graduate Student.<br />

The German translator <strong>of</strong> Darwin’s Origin <strong>of</strong> Species, G. H. Bronn, added an appendix to <strong>the</strong> volume that argued Darwin had shown evolution<br />

to be possible but he had no evidence that it was actual. Ernst Haeckel and his assistant Nikolai Miklucho-Maclay, who was habilitating<br />

with Haeckel, traveled to <strong>the</strong> Canary Islands in search <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pro<strong>of</strong> that Bronn demanded. They first stopped in England to visit<br />

Darwin and o<strong>the</strong>r English notables, and <strong>the</strong>n sailed to <strong>the</strong> Canaries. There <strong>the</strong>y discovered some peculiar sponges that seemed to show<br />

evolution at work. They believed <strong>the</strong> polymorphous sponges furnished <strong>the</strong> missing pro<strong>of</strong> for Darwin’s <strong>the</strong>ory. However, Haeckel and<br />

Miklucho-Maclay had a great falling out, and Haeckel condemned his once favorite student. This talk will trace <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> events<br />

that led up to <strong>the</strong> sponge work and reveal what <strong>the</strong> great issues were that caused this major breach between <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essor and his assistant.<br />

Jesse Richmond, University <strong>of</strong> California, San Diego (jbrichmond@ucsd.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country B<br />

The Art <strong>of</strong> Ancestral Identity: Pictorial Representation and <strong>the</strong> Marginalization <strong>of</strong> “Australopi<strong>the</strong>cus”<br />

The Taungs skull, unear<strong>the</strong>d in South Africa in 1924 and first described by Raymond Dart <strong>the</strong> following year, was <strong>the</strong> first specimen to<br />

be classed under <strong>the</strong> extinct Primate genus “Australopi<strong>the</strong>cus,” now considered by paleoanthropologists to be directly ancestral to modern<br />

humans. However, while Dart argued in favor <strong>of</strong> such ancestral status in his initial report to Nature in 1925, a lack <strong>of</strong> support from<br />

<strong>the</strong> most authoritative specialists in <strong>the</strong> field resulted in <strong>the</strong> marginalization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Taungs skull, and <strong>of</strong> its primary spokesperson, for<br />

<strong>the</strong> next several decades. Focusing on <strong>the</strong> pictorial representations Dart employed to try to persuade o<strong>the</strong>r interested scientists <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Taungs skull’s ancestral identity, as well as on alternative representations cast by o<strong>the</strong>r actors involved in <strong>the</strong> dispute, I shall trace <strong>the</strong><br />

evolution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> skull’s cultural identity from its inception to its relegation to <strong>the</strong> borderlands <strong>of</strong> scientific interest. The resulting narrative<br />

demonstrates <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> communicative practices <strong>of</strong> scientists in shaping <strong>the</strong> identity <strong>of</strong> evidential artifacts, and, due<br />

to <strong>the</strong> particular aims <strong>of</strong> paleoanthropology, <strong>of</strong> our own identity as human beings.<br />

Marsha L. Richmond, Wayne State University (marsha.richmond@wayne.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom III


Views <strong>of</strong> Evolution at <strong>the</strong> Darwin 1909 Celebration: The Challenges <strong>of</strong> Mendelism, Mutation, Meiosis, and Saltation<br />

On <strong>the</strong> occasion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> one hundredth anniversary <strong>of</strong> Charles Darwin’s birthday and <strong>the</strong> fiftieth anniversary <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> publication <strong>of</strong> The<br />

Origin <strong>of</strong> Species, biologists from all over <strong>the</strong> world ga<strong>the</strong>red in Cambridge to celebrate <strong>the</strong> life and work <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fa<strong>the</strong>r <strong>of</strong> evolution. This<br />

event—coming in <strong>the</strong> wake <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rediscovery <strong>of</strong> Mendel (1900), <strong>the</strong> mutation <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> de Vries (1901-03), <strong>the</strong> identification <strong>of</strong> meiosis<br />

(1905), and <strong>the</strong> saltationist pronouncements <strong>of</strong> William Bateson—also heralded a major re-consideration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>oretical basis <strong>of</strong><br />

Darwinism in <strong>the</strong> face <strong>of</strong> significant challenges. This paper surveys <strong>the</strong> range <strong>of</strong> views expressed by <strong>the</strong> world’s leading biologists on<br />

this occasion and categorizes <strong>the</strong> various schools <strong>of</strong> thought about <strong>the</strong> mechanisms behind evolutionary change. Coming only one year<br />

before <strong>the</strong> discovery <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> white-eyed mutant in Drosophila, <strong>the</strong> Darwin Celebration provides a striking opportunity to gauge <strong>the</strong> status<br />

<strong>of</strong> evolution <strong>the</strong>ory on <strong>the</strong> eve <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> chromosome <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> heredity, which soon resolved many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> seeming discrepancies in<br />

Darwinism.<br />

Jessica Riskin, Stanford University (jriskin@stanford.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Dissimulations<br />

Among <strong>the</strong> most celebrated automata (mechanical figures <strong>of</strong> people and animals, literally “self-moving machines”) <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> eighteenth<br />

century were some ingenious fakes: Jacques Vaucanson’s Defecating Duck that didn’t; Wolfgang von Kempelen’s Chess-playing Turk<br />

that wasn’t. The fraudulence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se machines raises several questions. First, why did engineers such as Vaucanson and Kempelen,<br />

who usually did not cheat, decide to do so in <strong>the</strong>se particular contexts? Why fake a defecating duck? Why a machine playing chess?<br />

Second, why did people believe in <strong>the</strong> frauds initially (despite, in Kempelen’s case, <strong>the</strong> inventor’s own broad hints), and stop believing<br />

in <strong>the</strong>m when <strong>the</strong>y did, soon after <strong>the</strong> turn <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century? Finally, why did trickery (concealed human operators pulling hidden<br />

strings and levers) entirely replace genuine mechanical simulation in <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> nineteenth-century automaton designers such as<br />

Jean Eugène Robert-Houdin? The answers to <strong>the</strong>se questions reveal a continuously shifting and changing boundary between life and<br />

mechanism.<br />

David Lindsay Roberts, Independent Scholar (robertsdl@aol.com)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country A<br />

Ma<strong>the</strong>maticians in <strong>the</strong> Schools: The “New Math” as an Arena <strong>of</strong> Pr<strong>of</strong>essional Struggle, 1950-1970<br />

What is sometimes casually described as <strong>the</strong> “ma<strong>the</strong>matics community” in <strong>the</strong> United States already by <strong>the</strong> late 19th century was displaying<br />

divisions, which became more distinct and variegated through <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 20th century. The aim <strong>of</strong> this paper is to use<br />

<strong>the</strong> arena <strong>of</strong> ma<strong>the</strong>matics education during <strong>the</strong> 1950s and 1960s, which encompassed most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> so-called “new math” educational<br />

reforms, to illuminate fine distinctions between and among pr<strong>of</strong>essional groups involved with ma<strong>the</strong>matics, notably <strong>the</strong> American<br />

Ma<strong>the</strong>matics <strong>Society</strong>, <strong>the</strong> Ma<strong>the</strong>matical Association <strong>of</strong> America, and <strong>the</strong> National Council <strong>of</strong> Teachers <strong>of</strong> Ma<strong>the</strong>matics. Simple<br />

dichotomies such as researchers versus teachers, pure ma<strong>the</strong>maticians versus applied ma<strong>the</strong>maticians, ma<strong>the</strong>maticians versus ma<strong>the</strong>matics<br />

educators, or progressive versus traditional educators <strong>of</strong>fer only limited utility in understanding <strong>the</strong> complex jurisdictional struggle<br />

that in fact occurred. By close analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> career trajectories <strong>of</strong> several representative figures from <strong>the</strong> period, a more nuanced categorization<br />

will be proposed, yielding a better understanding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> outcome <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> reforms. Special attention will be given to individuals<br />

associated with two <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most prominent curriculum reform projects: <strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong> Illinois Committee on School<br />

Ma<strong>the</strong>matics (UICSM), and <strong>the</strong> School Ma<strong>the</strong>matics Study Group (SMSG), originally headquartered at Yale and later at Stanford.<br />

Volker Roelcke, University <strong>of</strong> Giessen (volker.roelcke@histor.med.uni-giessen.de)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

Preventing Disease, Improving <strong>the</strong> Race:<br />

Genetic Research at <strong>the</strong> Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Psychiatry in Munich, 1917-1945<br />

The first research institution internationally that was exclusively devoted to psychiatric genetics was <strong>the</strong> Department <strong>of</strong> Genealogy and<br />

Demography at <strong>the</strong> German Psychiatric Research Institute/Kaiser Wilhelm Institute in Munich. From its foundation in 1917 until 1945,<br />

it was directed by Ernst Rüdin, one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> leaders <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> racial hygiene movement in Germany. Judged in scientific terms and by his<br />

colleagues abroad, <strong>the</strong> reserach undertaken by Rüdin and his associates was evaluated as outstanding in 1933/34, and as remarkable even<br />

in <strong>the</strong> post-1945 period. This paper analyzes <strong>the</strong> program and practice <strong>of</strong> psychiatric genetics at <strong>the</strong> Munich Institute and Rüdin’s<br />

involvement in Nazi mental health policy. The idea <strong>of</strong> a healthy “race” was a guiding principle motivating all <strong>of</strong> Rüdin’s resrch and political<br />

activities; it is not possible to distinguish between “good” scientific research untainted by racial ideas and “bad” (pseudscientific)<br />

research contaminated by racial ideology.<br />

Kirill Rossiianov, S. I. Vavilov Institute for <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong> and Technology, Moscow (rossiianov@hotmail.com)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Hill Country A<br />

Taming <strong>the</strong> Primitive: Elie Metchnikov and His Discovery <strong>of</strong> Immune Cells<br />

In this paper, I explore Elie Metchnikov’s early ideas about organismic integrity, and link <strong>the</strong>m to <strong>the</strong> moral <strong>the</strong>ories <strong>of</strong> Russian pop-


ulists. At <strong>the</strong> same time, I analyze <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> Metchnikov’s anthropological work on <strong>the</strong> evolution <strong>of</strong> his ideas about <strong>the</strong> developmental<br />

arrests, and show in what ways his ‘discovery’ <strong>of</strong> primitive organs shaped his views about <strong>the</strong> ‘disharmonies’ in <strong>the</strong> construction<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> human organism. Metchnikov’s concept <strong>of</strong> immunity appears as an attempt to reconcile <strong>the</strong> idea <strong>of</strong> organismic integrity with <strong>the</strong><br />

notion <strong>of</strong> atavistic self.<br />

Helen M. Rozwadowski, University <strong>of</strong> Connecticut, Avery Point (helen.rozwadowski@uconn.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

Turning Heads: FLIP and <strong>the</strong> Technological Imagination in Postwar Oceanography<br />

The decade <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1960s in oceanography was characterized by excitement and optimism regarding <strong>the</strong> possibilities for studying <strong>the</strong><br />

ocean and for <strong>the</strong> uses to which <strong>the</strong> resulting new knowledge might be put. This optimism was manifested in almost wildly creative<br />

proposals for platforms that would give researchers access to <strong>the</strong> sea. Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se actually were built. One <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most unusual was<br />

(and remains; it is still in use) <strong>the</strong> Floating Instrument Platform (FLIP) designed by staff at <strong>the</strong> Scripps Institute <strong>of</strong> Oceanography and<br />

built in 1962 with Office <strong>of</strong> Naval Research funding. Defined as a manned buoy, FLIP is a 355-foot craft (not self-powered) that can<br />

be maneuvered to stand on end so that 300 feet extend below <strong>the</strong> surface, creating a remarkably stable platform for working below <strong>the</strong><br />

wave zone. FLIP can be understood in an institutional context, as a product <strong>of</strong> Scripps’ Marine Physical Laboratory, one <strong>of</strong> an array<br />

<strong>of</strong> strange platforms and vehicles invented to probe <strong>the</strong> depths at this time. It equally represents <strong>the</strong> strong engineering dimension that<br />

began to enter ocean science in <strong>the</strong> 1960s, as ocean engineering came into focus as a field in its own right. It also reflects something <strong>of</strong><br />

a Cold War response to Sputnik, as so much <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> push for development <strong>of</strong> oceanography in that decade does. This paper will consider<br />

how FLIP’s creation reflected <strong>the</strong> state and directions <strong>of</strong> oceanography in <strong>the</strong> 1960s. Some questions to be explored are: Was<br />

FLIP conceived as a “manned” buoy, as opposed to an unmanned, automatic one, and, if so, for what reasons? Or, was it intended as<br />

a cheaper substitute to a submarine for observing below <strong>the</strong> wave zone? Was it built for one, specific military use—studies <strong>of</strong> sound<br />

sources in <strong>the</strong> water—or for <strong>the</strong> multiple uses to which it was eventually put? Answers to questions such as <strong>the</strong>se will enable a comparison<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> invention and early use <strong>of</strong> FLIP with <strong>the</strong> development and use <strong>of</strong> scientific instruments and technologies more commonly<br />

associated with <strong>the</strong> Cold War.<br />

John L. Rudolph, University <strong>of</strong> Wisconsin, Madison (jlrudolp@wisc.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country A<br />

Millikan, Mann, and <strong>the</strong> Debate Over General <strong>Science</strong> in <strong>the</strong> High School Course <strong>of</strong> Study<br />

From <strong>18</strong>96 to 1914, Robert A. Millikan and Charles Riborg Mann worked side by side as physicists at <strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong> Chicago’s<br />

Ryerson Laboratory. A significant part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir pr<strong>of</strong>essional efforts during <strong>the</strong>se years focused on high school science education. Such<br />

activities, which included textbook writing, participation in national education meetings, and teacher education, were not uncommon at<br />

<strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twentieth century when <strong>the</strong> line between high schools and colleges was far from well established. It was during this<br />

time that institutional science (as a result <strong>of</strong> increased specialization) came to be viewed as out <strong>of</strong> touch with <strong>the</strong> practical interests <strong>of</strong><br />

a rapidly growing secondary school population. A solution was <strong>of</strong>fered in <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> a new course, “general science,” which emphasized<br />

<strong>the</strong> power <strong>of</strong> science in everyday contexts. The role <strong>of</strong> such a course in <strong>the</strong> overall high school curriculum, though, was unsettled<br />

at <strong>the</strong> outset. The ensuing debate over general science between Millikan, who would go on to fame as a Nobel laureate in physics, and<br />

Mann, who pursued a career in education, reveals <strong>the</strong> conflicting pr<strong>of</strong>essional interests and ideologies <strong>of</strong> science that vied for acceptance<br />

during <strong>the</strong>se early years <strong>of</strong> educational ferment.<br />

Andrea Rusnock, University <strong>of</strong> Rhode Island (rusnock@uri.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom VII<br />

Making Sense <strong>of</strong> Vaccination circa <strong>18</strong>00<br />

Smallpox inoculation and vaccination were introduced and practiced in Europe during <strong>the</strong> eighteenth century. Both procedures provided<br />

instances <strong>of</strong> deliberately induced immunity. Histories <strong>of</strong> immunology (including textbook histories) typically begin with a cursory<br />

description <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se two procedures and yet little has been written about how contemporaries made sense <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m. In a recent article,<br />

Anne-Marie Moulin has examined what she calls “<strong>the</strong> paradox <strong>of</strong> immunization without immunology.” Smallpox inoculation, smallpox<br />

vaccination, and Pasteur’s rabies vaccine, she notes, were all developed without any “<strong>the</strong>oretical advances in <strong>the</strong> understanding <strong>of</strong> immunity.”<br />

Although empirical demonstrations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> efficacy <strong>of</strong> vaccines <strong>of</strong>ten took precedence over <strong>the</strong>oretical accounts <strong>of</strong> how vaccines<br />

work, contemporaries did attempt to make sense <strong>of</strong> immunization. In this talk, I will examine how physicians conceptualized inoculation<br />

and vaccination in <strong>the</strong> decades surrounding <strong>the</strong> publication <strong>of</strong> Edward Jenner’s “An Inquiry into <strong>the</strong> Causes and Effects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Variolae Vaccinae” (1798).<br />

H. Darrel Rutkin, Stanford University (drutkin@mit.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom VI


Francis Bacon’s Reform <strong>of</strong> Astrology: De augmentis scientiarum III, 4<br />

Hard on <strong>the</strong> heels <strong>of</strong> his impeachment in 1622 as Lord High Chancellor <strong>of</strong> England, Francis Bacon turned to revise, augment and render<br />

into Latin his “Advancement <strong>of</strong> Learning”(1605). One <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> wholly new features in <strong>the</strong> newly entitled “De dignitate et augmentis<br />

scientiarum” (1623) is an extensive proposal in book III, chapter 4, where Bacon lays out guidelines for a natural philosophical reform<br />

<strong>of</strong> astrological <strong>the</strong>ory and practice. He argues that one may <strong>the</strong>reby achieve greater insight into his two major areas <strong>of</strong> concern: nature<br />

and politics. I will discuss <strong>the</strong> contents <strong>of</strong> this text and place it in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> Bacon’s political career, thus articulating <strong>the</strong> place <strong>of</strong><br />

astrology in this courtier’s toolkit. I will also briefly discuss its influence.<br />

Julia R. Saari, University <strong>of</strong> Massachusetts, Amherst (jrsaari@history.umass.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Hill Country B<br />

A Space <strong>of</strong> Their Own: Making Room for <strong>the</strong> Public at NASA’s Kennedy Space Center<br />

The National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) was created as a civilian space agency to oppose its Soviet military counterpart,<br />

but <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> space agency as a public institution had unintended consequences. The architects and administrators <strong>of</strong><br />

NASA underestimated <strong>the</strong> role that <strong>the</strong> public would attempt to play in <strong>the</strong>ir new institution. As <strong>the</strong> manned space program became an<br />

increasingly important part <strong>of</strong> society and culture, as well as a source <strong>of</strong> national pride, <strong>the</strong> American public sought to become more<br />

involved. In sou<strong>the</strong>rn Florida, NASA’s activities had a tremendous impact on <strong>the</strong> surrounding communities. Not only did some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

key events <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1960s take <strong>of</strong>f from <strong>the</strong>ir back yards, NASA’s presence also changed <strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong> local economic development,<br />

employment, and tourism. In response, <strong>the</strong>se communities demanded a way to participate in <strong>the</strong> activities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir new neighbor. The<br />

administration found a way to accommodate <strong>the</strong>se demands by creating a visitor’s center at <strong>the</strong> Kennedy Space Center. This center filled<br />

a local and national need for a public space within NASA.<br />

Neeraja Sankaran, Yale University (neeraja.sankaran@yale.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

What Was a Virus? – The Status <strong>of</strong> Bacteriophage in this Debate in <strong>the</strong> Early 20th Century.<br />

The question, “What is a virus?” is likely to elicit a fairly consistent set <strong>of</strong> replies from <strong>the</strong> contemporary biological community. A century<br />

ago however, <strong>the</strong> replies <strong>of</strong> different scientists would have presented a confused, even contradictory, picture. The nature <strong>of</strong> viruses<br />

was a subject for much lively debate, and <strong>the</strong> answers represented science in a state <strong>of</strong> flux. Indeed, <strong>the</strong> early 20th century is peppered<br />

with instances <strong>of</strong> scientific disputes surrounding <strong>the</strong> identity <strong>of</strong> various discoveries as viruses. A notable example is <strong>the</strong> bacteriophage,<br />

which was identified as an “ultravirus” by one <strong>of</strong> its discoverers but rejected as such by many in <strong>the</strong> wider scientific community.<br />

In this paper I contextualize <strong>the</strong> debates on <strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> bacteriophage within <strong>the</strong> broader context <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> evolving concept <strong>of</strong><br />

viruses. In particular, I focus on work <strong>of</strong> Frank Macfarlane Burnet (1960 Nobel Laureate in Physiology/Medicine), who worked on <strong>the</strong><br />

bacteriophage in <strong>the</strong> 1920s and 30s, and whose research on <strong>the</strong> phenomenon <strong>of</strong> lysogeny contributed to <strong>the</strong> general acceptance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

idea that <strong>the</strong> phage was a bacterial virus.<br />

Jutta Schickore, Indiana University (jschicko@indiana.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

The Infamous Globule Hypo<strong>the</strong>sis<br />

Very <strong>of</strong>ten, historians have ascribed a largely negative role to error, failure, and fault: Error – <strong>the</strong> erroneous result – is an obstacle to scientific<br />

advancement, something that has to be identified and removed so as to allow science to progress. In my paper, I seek to show<br />

that errors can play a much more productive part for <strong>the</strong> practice <strong>of</strong> research. To do so, I concentrate on <strong>the</strong> so-called “globule <strong>the</strong>ory”<br />

<strong>of</strong> organic matter, which was widely advocated among microscopists in <strong>the</strong> early decades <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 19th century. According to this <strong>the</strong>ory,<br />

muscular and nerve fibres consist <strong>of</strong> strings <strong>of</strong> tiny globules. Historians <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> microscope have claimed that <strong>the</strong> ‘erroneous’ globule<br />

hypo<strong>the</strong>sis could eventually be overcome when better instruments were introduced and novel histological <strong>the</strong>ories came to be adopted.<br />

While I do not deny that technical advancements did occur in <strong>the</strong> early decades <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century, I wish to stress that <strong>the</strong>y<br />

were inextricably intertwined with a novel awareness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> limits and impediments <strong>of</strong> microscopical vision, which informed both <strong>the</strong><br />

practicalities <strong>of</strong> making and <strong>of</strong> applying <strong>the</strong> instrument. I argue that <strong>the</strong> microscopists’ novel methodological concerns with <strong>the</strong> nature<br />

<strong>of</strong> light and especially with <strong>the</strong> effects <strong>of</strong> preparation procedures were crucial both for <strong>the</strong> refutation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> globule hypo<strong>the</strong>sis and for<br />

<strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong> alternative views <strong>of</strong> nervous tissue. I conclude <strong>the</strong> presentation with some more general considerations as to <strong>the</strong> role<br />

<strong>of</strong> errors, faults, and failures in scientific practice.<br />

Peter Schimkat, Independent Scholar (schimkat.peter@vdi.de)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country B<br />

A Truly German <strong>Science</strong>”: Attempts to Redefine Geology in Interwar Germany<br />

From <strong>the</strong> early 1920s onwards, German geological periodicals bore witness to remarkably wide-ranging debates concerning <strong>the</strong> concept,<br />

aims and future development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> science <strong>of</strong> geology. These discussions, covering virtually all conceivable aspects <strong>of</strong> geology’s disciplinary<br />

identity and ranging from its public face (e.g. strategies to spread geological knowledge among <strong>the</strong> wider public) to internal<br />

methodological questions (e.g. <strong>the</strong> status <strong>of</strong> causal laws in geological research), served as a springboard for a view which was <strong>the</strong>n argued


forcefully by some influential geologists: to trace <strong>the</strong> root <strong>of</strong> geological thinking to <strong>the</strong> Romantics and to claim a fundamental<br />

“Germanness” <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> science. This perspective, toge<strong>the</strong>r with some ra<strong>the</strong>r ingenious attempts to construct a new philosophy and a fitting<br />

historical account <strong>of</strong> geology, proved to be amazingly influential even in <strong>the</strong> longer run; though parts were toned down, remoulded<br />

or forgotten in <strong>the</strong> post-War years,it has continued to enjoy considerable success, particularly in <strong>the</strong> popularization and historiography<br />

<strong>of</strong> geology in Germany. The talk will analyse <strong>the</strong> origin and <strong>the</strong> core features <strong>of</strong> this specific viewpoint, as well as <strong>of</strong>fering some<br />

examples <strong>of</strong> its still lingering influence.<br />

Henning Schmidgen, Max Planck Institute for <strong>the</strong> <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong> (schmidg@mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom V<br />

The Early <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> Reaction Time Experiments, <strong>18</strong>50-<strong>18</strong>65<br />

The history <strong>of</strong> reaction time experiments is usually traced back to <strong>the</strong> research work carried out by Wilhelm Wundt (<strong>18</strong>32-1920) and<br />

<strong>the</strong> staff <strong>of</strong> his Leipzig laboratory founded in <strong>18</strong>79. This paper <strong>of</strong>fers a different account. It draws attention to <strong>the</strong> fact that measuring<br />

reaction times in human beings was already performed by Hermann von Helmholtz (<strong>18</strong>21-<strong>18</strong>94) in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> his pioneering investigations<br />

<strong>of</strong> nerve impulse speed in frogs (<strong>18</strong>50). Helmholtz did not publish any detailed report on his findings in <strong>the</strong> time experiments<br />

with humans. However, in <strong>the</strong> following years, scholars such as Adolpe Hirsch, Rudolph Schelske, and Friedrich Kohlrausch set out to<br />

verify experimentally <strong>the</strong> general results Helmholtz had given in a popular lecture in <strong>18</strong>51. Based on archival evidence, <strong>the</strong> paper argues<br />

that <strong>the</strong> ensuing debate about methodological and technological problems in reaction time measurements anticipated key issues discussed<br />

by <strong>the</strong> growing community <strong>of</strong> psychologists throughout <strong>the</strong> <strong>18</strong>80s and <strong>18</strong>90s. The reaction time experiment is thus traced back<br />

to <strong>the</strong> research carried out by physiologists, astronomers, and physicists well before Wundt started his lab at Leipzig.<br />

Hans-Walter Schmuhl, University <strong>of</strong> Bielefeld/Fakultät für Geschichtswissenschaft (hans-walter.schmuhl@uni-bielefeld.de)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

Racial <strong>Science</strong>, Eugenics, and Developmental Genetics: The Politics <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Paradigm Shift at <strong>the</strong> Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for<br />

Anthropology, Human Heredity and Eugenics, 1938-1945<br />

The Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Anthropology, Human Heredity and Eugenics (KWIA) serves as a prime example <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> symbiotic<br />

instrumentalization <strong>of</strong> science and politcs during <strong>the</strong> Third Reich. However, precisely because <strong>of</strong> this symbiotic relationship in <strong>the</strong> area<br />

<strong>of</strong> racial science, genetics, and eugenics during <strong>the</strong> early years <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Third Reich, research practice in <strong>the</strong>se fields became somewhat<br />

calcified. As a result, <strong>the</strong> first Director <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> KWIA, Eugen Fischer (<strong>18</strong>74-1967) and his former student, and second Director (since<br />

1942) Otmar Freiherr von Verschuer (<strong>18</strong>96-1969), initiated a reorganization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Institute’s reserch program under a new paradigm <strong>of</strong><br />

developmental or physioloical genetics (Phänogenetik)—a research trend that was internationally recognized in <strong>the</strong> early 1940s. This<br />

resulted in a shirft <strong>of</strong> focus from a concern with <strong>the</strong> human genotype to phenotype. In addition, it marked a new preoccupation with<br />

<strong>the</strong> interaction <strong>of</strong> proteins, enzymes and hormones as well as <strong>the</strong> interplay between genes and environment in <strong>the</strong> developmental<br />

process. Perhaps most importantly for <strong>the</strong> interface <strong>of</strong> biology and politcs under <strong>the</strong> Nazis, this new research direction at once served<br />

as a novel and interesting resource for National Socialist racial policies, led to <strong>the</strong> designation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> KWIA as “war essential,” and paved<br />

<strong>the</strong> way for morally problematic and outright criminal activities on <strong>the</strong> part <strong>of</strong> some KWIA scientists.<br />

Rebecca Press Schwartz, Princeton University (rpress@princeton.edu)<br />

Thursday, <strong>18</strong>-Nov-04, 5:00 - 7:00 PM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

Scientists Under Scrutiny in World War and Cold War<br />

In <strong>the</strong> years <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> early Cold War, <strong>the</strong> national security state focused a great deal <strong>of</strong> scrutiny on <strong>the</strong> physicists who were supposed to<br />

be at once technically capable <strong>of</strong> revealing nuclear secrets and constitutionally unsuited to guarding <strong>the</strong>m. While that scrutiny was in<br />

some ways a reaction to <strong>the</strong> unique foreign and domestic political circumstances <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Cold War years, it drew upon and continued <strong>the</strong><br />

security that was a feature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> wartime Manhattan Project. Among <strong>the</strong> manifestations <strong>of</strong> this continuity were <strong>the</strong> transfer <strong>of</strong> personnel<br />

to <strong>the</strong> Atomic Energy Commission from <strong>the</strong> Manhattan Project, <strong>the</strong> transfer <strong>of</strong> investigation files from <strong>the</strong> Manhattan Project<br />

to <strong>the</strong> FBI, and <strong>the</strong> continued emphasis during <strong>the</strong> postwar years on <strong>the</strong> same people who had been most suspected during World War<br />

II. While <strong>the</strong> emphasis on Communist espionage seems explicable in <strong>the</strong> early Cold War context, that assessment is complicated by <strong>the</strong><br />

realization that that emphasis, too, was a continuation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> primary emphasis on Communist espionage during World War II, when it<br />

seems a less likely priority. This talk will examine how <strong>the</strong> Manhattan Project put into place <strong>the</strong> people, apparatus, and investigations<br />

that were readily available to be drawn upon in <strong>the</strong> postwar period in <strong>the</strong> service <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> newly urgent security imperative to prevent<br />

atomic espionage.<br />

Anne Secord, University <strong>of</strong> Cambridge (pas6@hermes.cam.ac.uk)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Social Class and <strong>the</strong> Boundaries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Field in Nineteenth-Century British Botany<br />

In <strong>18</strong>30s Britain, men <strong>of</strong> science began self-consciously to shape diverse forms <strong>of</strong> knowledge <strong>of</strong> nature into scientific disciplines,<br />

attempting to establish a hierarchical distinction between <strong>the</strong> work <strong>of</strong> generalisers and local collectors. This paper will explore <strong>the</strong>se


changes, examining situations from <strong>the</strong> late eighteenth century onwards in which practitioners <strong>of</strong> widely differing social status worked<br />

toge<strong>the</strong>r in <strong>the</strong> field. Power relations in <strong>the</strong> field were complex and ambiguous, as gentlemen sought out artisans with recognised expertise<br />

in finding plants and asked <strong>the</strong>m to serve as guides. The social experience <strong>of</strong> artisans and gentlemen botanising toge<strong>the</strong>r, ra<strong>the</strong>r than<br />

impressing upon artisans <strong>the</strong>ir status as subordinate observers and establishing <strong>the</strong> place <strong>of</strong> local information in <strong>the</strong> hierarchy <strong>of</strong> scientific<br />

knowledge, became instead an opportunity for artisans to exert and display <strong>the</strong>ir own forms <strong>of</strong> authority and skill.<br />

Jonathan Seitz, University <strong>of</strong> Wisconsin, Madison (jwseitz@wisc.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country C<br />

<strong>Science</strong> in <strong>the</strong> Holy Office: The Inquisition and Views <strong>of</strong> Nature in Early Modern Venice<br />

The religious turmoil <strong>of</strong> sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Europe charged conceptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> supernatural and natural worlds with<br />

unprecedented significance. In Venice, <strong>the</strong> Holy Office (Inquisition) exercised <strong>the</strong> Church’s coercive power to establish orthodox definitions<br />

<strong>of</strong>, and criteria for distinguishing between, <strong>the</strong> natural and <strong>the</strong> supernatural. However, <strong>the</strong> Inquisition did not simply impose <strong>the</strong><br />

views <strong>of</strong> Church <strong>of</strong>ficials onto <strong>the</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> society. The Holy Office served as a forum for <strong>the</strong> presentation <strong>of</strong> competing ideas about<br />

<strong>the</strong> characteristics and operation <strong>of</strong> natural and supernatural powers, including ideas held by social groups <strong>of</strong>ten absent from <strong>the</strong> history<br />

<strong>of</strong> science. Close examination <strong>of</strong> Inquisition records reveal how criteria for identifying natural and supernatural events changed over<br />

time, and how such criteria varied among different social groups in early modern Venice.<br />

Rena Selya, Harvard University (selya@fas.harvard.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Viruses, Cancer and <strong>the</strong> Institutionalization <strong>of</strong> Molecular Biology<br />

In <strong>the</strong> 1960s, molecular biology emerged as an institutionally and financially independent discipline. This paper will compare and contrast<br />

<strong>the</strong> effect <strong>of</strong> molecular biology on <strong>the</strong> departments <strong>of</strong> biology at MIT and Harvard University in <strong>the</strong> 1960s, considering <strong>the</strong> ways<br />

that personnel, research, funding, and curricula changed as a result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> molecular revolution. These changes were not always welcome,<br />

and <strong>the</strong> differences between <strong>the</strong> paths <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> two departments provide insight into <strong>the</strong> ways in which <strong>the</strong> biology community at<br />

large viewed <strong>the</strong> nascent discipline. The key figures in <strong>the</strong>se departments, Salvador Luria and James Watson, already had significant experience<br />

in virus research, as well as longstanding interests in <strong>the</strong> biology <strong>of</strong> cancer. Luria and Watson both went on to direct institutions<br />

that used virus research and o<strong>the</strong>r molecular techniques to explore <strong>the</strong> genetics <strong>of</strong> cancer. Through <strong>the</strong>ir guidance, microorganisms and<br />

tumor research became mainstays <strong>of</strong> molecular biology research and support, with clear effects on <strong>the</strong> way college students learned biology<br />

and <strong>the</strong>ir pr<strong>of</strong>essors sought funding. By <strong>the</strong> mid 1970s, <strong>the</strong> twin pillars <strong>of</strong> viruses and cancer helped make molecular biology <strong>the</strong><br />

central focus <strong>of</strong> biology education at <strong>the</strong>se two research universities.<br />

David Sepkoski, Oberlin College (dsepkosk@oberlin.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

Paleobiology in <strong>the</strong> 1970s: Punctuation, Mass Extinction, and Quantification<br />

Despite its important role in <strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong> evolutionary <strong>the</strong>ory in <strong>the</strong> 19th century, paleontology was largely marginalized by <strong>the</strong><br />

evolutionary community during much <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 20th. Between <strong>the</strong> late 1960s and <strong>the</strong> early 1980s, however, this situation changed drastically.<br />

In 1984, <strong>the</strong> geneticist John Maynard Smith spoke for <strong>the</strong> wider community <strong>of</strong> evolutionary biology: “<strong>the</strong> paleontologists have<br />

too long been missing from <strong>the</strong> high table. Welcome back.” Central in this rapid transformation were <strong>the</strong> efforts <strong>of</strong> a group <strong>of</strong> young,<br />

quantitatively-minded paleontologists whose studies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> dynamics <strong>of</strong> macroevolutionary patterns and extinction drew attention to<br />

<strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fossil record as a source for evolutionary <strong>the</strong>ory. This group was led by Stephen Jay Gould, who mustered many<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most promising paleontologists <strong>of</strong> his generation “including David Raup, Thomas Schopf, and Jack Sepkoski” to participate in<br />

<strong>the</strong> reconstruction <strong>of</strong> paleobiology as a <strong>the</strong>oretical discipline. While Gould’s saltationist views (expressed most vividly in his <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong><br />

punctuated equilibria) are well known, an equally important factor was <strong>the</strong> success <strong>of</strong> new approaches in <strong>the</strong> quantification and simulation<br />

<strong>of</strong> extinction patterns, which lent credence to Gould’s punctuated model. This paper will examine this history and will argue additionally<br />

that <strong>the</strong> new quantitative, deductive approach in paleobiology allowed a partial reconciliation <strong>of</strong> saltationist, catastrophist views<br />

with more traditional gradualist principles.<br />

Adam R. Shapiro, University <strong>of</strong> Chicago (adams@uchicago.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

The Evolution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “New Civic Biology”<br />

George W. Hunter’s “New Civic Biology”, published by <strong>the</strong> American Book Company in 1926, was intended to replace <strong>the</strong> 1914 “Civic<br />

Biology”, which gained notoriety after John Scopes used it to teach evolution in Dayton, Tennessee. Among <strong>the</strong> more notable differences<br />

between <strong>the</strong> two texts is <strong>the</strong> omission <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> word “evolution” from <strong>the</strong> new book. The revision process that led to <strong>the</strong> “New<br />

Civic Biology” began even before <strong>the</strong> Anti-Evolution Act was even proposed in Tennessee, and continued even after publication <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

first edition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new textbook. Along <strong>the</strong> way, <strong>the</strong> relationship between Hunter and his editors (which was never an easy one to begin<br />

with), became increasingly complicated and strained. The content <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new textbook came about not only as a result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> politics<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country—increasingly hostile to teaching evolution but also in large part to <strong>the</strong> politics <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> American Book Company itself,


and its relationship with one <strong>of</strong> its most pr<strong>of</strong>itable authors.<br />

Hanna Rose Shell, Harvard University (shell@fas.harvard.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom VII<br />

Hide: Reframing Wartime Natural <strong>History</strong> and <strong>the</strong> AMNH Alaska Brown Bear Group 1937-1945<br />

The Hall <strong>of</strong> North American Mammals is a popular, permanent exhibit <strong>of</strong> twenty-five wildlife dioramas at <strong>the</strong> American Museum <strong>of</strong><br />

Natural <strong>History</strong> (AMNH) in New York City. From this Hall’s ribbon-cutting in 1942, its patrons, designers and promoters hoped that<br />

<strong>the</strong> exhibition might simultaneously preserve and distill <strong>the</strong> whole history <strong>of</strong> North America – ins<strong>of</strong>ar as American history is (and always<br />

had been) implicated in its natural history. Nationalism would be immortalized in <strong>the</strong> windowless confines <strong>of</strong> an urban cosmopolitan<br />

museum through <strong>the</strong> curatorial and taxidermic processes <strong>of</strong> museum natural history. My paper, “Hide,” addresses <strong>the</strong> complexity <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong>se processes, through a close focus on one diorama in particular — <strong>the</strong> Alaska Bear Group, created between 1937 and 1941. Framed<br />

by an archway that recalls a stage proscenium, <strong>the</strong> Brown Bear Group presents a story <strong>of</strong> animals and environment inextricably bound<br />

toge<strong>the</strong>r through ecological processes. A hulking, upright, male bear confront an array <strong>of</strong> animal, vegetable and mineral cohabitants<br />

as well as human observers, as <strong>the</strong> colorfully painted background merges with a three dimensional foreground; meanwhile <strong>the</strong> entire<br />

diorama is encased behind a glass wall that simultaneously invites human viewers and excludes human participation. Drawing on <strong>the</strong><br />

AMNH’s textual, visual and exhibitionary archives, I examine <strong>the</strong> standing bear’s construction, display and reception over <strong>the</strong> past sixty<br />

years. In <strong>the</strong> process. I read against <strong>the</strong> grain <strong>of</strong> this distilled – or perhaps better to say “stilled” – vision <strong>of</strong> nature. Finally, I argue that<br />

<strong>the</strong> taxidermied form can be best understood as an amalgamation <strong>of</strong> animal’s skin, hunter’s ambition, taxidermist’s craft, and viewer’s<br />

gaze.<br />

Grace Yen Shen, Harvard University (gyshen@fas.harvard.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country A<br />

Scientific Worldviews: Chinese Geology and International <strong>Science</strong>,1911-1949<br />

The rise <strong>of</strong> Chinese geology in <strong>the</strong> Republican era was supported by <strong>the</strong> riches <strong>of</strong> China’s vast territory, an ambitious and talented group<br />

<strong>of</strong> young researchers, and intense international interest. The relationship between <strong>the</strong>se factors, however, remains obscured by <strong>the</strong> standard<br />

mechanistic story <strong>of</strong> modernization and progress leading from <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> imperial era to <strong>the</strong> Communist regime. This paper<br />

traces <strong>the</strong> methods that Chinese geologists employed to disseminate news <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir work abroad and keep abreast <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> latest developments<br />

in <strong>the</strong> geosciences. Analysis <strong>of</strong> meetings, publications, exchanges, and correspondence, highlight <strong>the</strong> ways that international scientific<br />

and political economies shaped China’s research priorities. However, Chinese geologists also faced inward, addressing a domestic<br />

audience <strong>of</strong> political, industrial, and social modernizers, as well as a growing corps <strong>of</strong> non-elite geological workers. By juxtaposing<br />

international and domestic representations <strong>of</strong> geological activities in China, I hope to explore <strong>the</strong> more general question <strong>of</strong> how scientific<br />

internationalism disciplined <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> new scientific communities into national bodies, especially in <strong>the</strong> field sciences.<br />

William Shields, Virginia Tech (highc.king@verizon.net)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom V<br />

The Strange Tale <strong>of</strong> Centrifugal Force<br />

Centrifugal force has been something <strong>of</strong> a thorn in <strong>the</strong> side <strong>of</strong> physics since <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> Christiaan Huygens. Physicists in training more<br />

likely than not are informed that <strong>the</strong>re is no such “force” or that it is “fictitious,” a mere artifact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> inertia applied to<br />

circular motion. But modern engineering textbooks not only refer to centrifugal force in a <strong>the</strong>oretical sense—<strong>the</strong>y use it in calculations<br />

for <strong>the</strong> design <strong>of</strong> pumps and o<strong>the</strong>r devices. Newton, in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> gravitation and motion in a central field, explained that it is “centripetal<br />

force” that opposes <strong>the</strong> tendency <strong>of</strong> a body to move in a straight line. And Newton’s <strong>the</strong>ory on this matter became gospel. So<br />

why is “centripetal” virtually absent from <strong>the</strong> English lexicon, whereas <strong>the</strong> person in <strong>the</strong> street has a fair idea <strong>of</strong> what centrifugal force<br />

is? In this paper, I will report on research-in-progress to trace <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> centrifugal force from <strong>the</strong> 17th century (Huygens’s De<br />

Vi Centrifuga) to <strong>the</strong> present to shed some light on this strange state <strong>of</strong> affairs.<br />

Peter A. Shulman, Massachusetts Institute <strong>of</strong> Technology (skip@mit.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Hill Country C<br />

Why Let a Petroleum Geologist File Your Taxes?<br />

During <strong>the</strong> 1920s, oil companies employed geologists to advise <strong>the</strong>m on <strong>the</strong> complicated nuances <strong>of</strong> oil land tax laws. Many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se<br />

geologists had been part <strong>of</strong> a staff <strong>of</strong> nearly one hundred scientists and engineers in <strong>the</strong> Bureau <strong>of</strong> Internal Revenue’s Oil and Gas<br />

Division during World War I. From an <strong>of</strong>fice building in Washington, D.C., <strong>the</strong>y analyzed production statistics to develop techniques<br />

for estimating <strong>the</strong> quantity <strong>of</strong> oil in a given well. Both <strong>the</strong> Treasury and oil companies had a stake in <strong>the</strong>se calculations: like <strong>the</strong> depreciation<br />

allowances taken by industry to <strong>of</strong>fset <strong>the</strong> decreasing value <strong>of</strong> capital investments, oil land owners were permitted a “depletion<br />

allowance” to reflect <strong>the</strong> declining value <strong>of</strong> oil land under <strong>the</strong> pump. Yet <strong>the</strong> value <strong>of</strong> oil land (and hence its taxable worth) was direct-


ly related to <strong>the</strong> quantity <strong>of</strong> oil it held. The problem for <strong>the</strong> U.S. Treasury became determining that quantity. In <strong>the</strong> years after <strong>the</strong> war,<br />

<strong>the</strong> estimation techniques developed by <strong>the</strong> Oil and Gas Division were used to forecast an impending national oil “famine.” Throughout<br />

<strong>the</strong> 1920s, public debate on <strong>the</strong> security <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> oil supply was framed in terms <strong>of</strong> competing ma<strong>the</strong>matical estimates. In this paper I<br />

examine <strong>the</strong> wartime employment <strong>of</strong> oil geologists and show how <strong>the</strong> state’s imperative to ma<strong>the</strong>matize nature (for tax purposes) led to<br />

intractable political conflict and fears <strong>of</strong> an impending oil shortage.<br />

Cibelle Celestino Silva, Universidade de Campinas, Brazil (cibelle@ifi.unicamp.br)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom V<br />

Dimensional Analysis and <strong>the</strong> Search for <strong>the</strong> True Nature <strong>of</strong> Electromagnetic Quantities:<br />

The Contribution <strong>of</strong> Reginald A. Fessenden<br />

Nowadays, physicists use two unit systems in electromagnetic <strong>the</strong>ory, related to different dimensional views <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> electromagnetic magnitudes<br />

<strong>the</strong> electrostatic and <strong>the</strong> electromagnetic systems. Physicists usually admit that <strong>the</strong> choice between <strong>the</strong> two systems is arbitrary<br />

and is related with <strong>the</strong> free choice <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> units through which <strong>the</strong> electromagnetic quantities are expressed. However, in <strong>the</strong> late nineteenth<br />

century <strong>the</strong> approach to physical dimensions was very distinct. Maxwell, for instance, thought that dimensional analysis could be<br />

helpful in finding <strong>the</strong> true mechanical representation <strong>of</strong> electromagnetic quantities in terms <strong>of</strong> mechanical quantities such as mass,<br />

length and time. A hot debate about <strong>the</strong> best dimensional system took place during <strong>the</strong> last two decades <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 19th century. Many<br />

important physicists, such as Rudolf Clausius, Oliver Lodge, Joseph John Thomson, Hermann Helmholtz and o<strong>the</strong>rs, discussed this<br />

issue. The great number <strong>of</strong> published papers about this subject shows that <strong>the</strong> main issue behind <strong>the</strong> debate was <strong>the</strong> attempt to determine<br />

<strong>the</strong> best model for <strong>the</strong> electromagnetic e<strong>the</strong>r. In <strong>the</strong> transition from <strong>the</strong> 19th to <strong>the</strong> 20th century, Reginald Fessenden tried to establish,<br />

through <strong>the</strong>oretical and experimental arguments, <strong>the</strong> true dimension and physical nature <strong>of</strong> electromagnetic quantities. In this paper,<br />

we present and discuss Fessenden’s arguments and <strong>the</strong>ir context.<br />

Rebecca Slayton, Stanford University (rms@mit.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Hill Country C<br />

Between <strong>Science</strong> and Activism: Boycotting Star Wars<br />

In <strong>the</strong> mid-1980’s, over 7,000 U.S. scientists and engineers engaged in an unusual political intervention by pledging to refuse research<br />

funds from <strong>the</strong> “Star Wars” missile defense program, a program <strong>the</strong>y called “ill-conceived and dangerous.” Here I analyze how a tension<br />

between expertise and activism flowed throughout <strong>the</strong> scientists’ boycott – from <strong>the</strong> diverse disciplinary and institutional cultures<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> scientists and engineers, through interactions with <strong>the</strong> mass media, and back to shape <strong>the</strong> strategies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> boycott organizers. I<br />

structure this account around three discursive engagements between scientists and <strong>the</strong> media. Each one demonstrates how <strong>the</strong> contextual<br />

and interactive nature <strong>of</strong> science communications gave rise to variable messages. But each engagement also demonstrates a consistent<br />

tension between discourses <strong>of</strong> activism and science, suggesting that common interpretive frames structured <strong>the</strong>se interactions. I<br />

argue that <strong>the</strong> boycott achieved legitimacy to <strong>the</strong> extent that its expertise came to be discursively identified with hopes <strong>of</strong> democracy<br />

ra<strong>the</strong>r than fears <strong>of</strong> technocracy. By analyzing how discursive engagements stabilized or destabilized particular forms <strong>of</strong> political intervention,<br />

this study extends and links studies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> relationships between and among experts, <strong>the</strong> media, and Cold War politics.<br />

Hilary A. Smith, University <strong>of</strong> Pennsylvania (smithhil@sas.upenn.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country A<br />

Does <strong>the</strong> “Early Modern” Shoe Fit? Foot qi and Chinese Nutritional <strong>Science</strong><br />

Foot qi (jiao qi), an ailment that modern Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM) textbooks equate with biomedicine’s beriberi, is an old<br />

disease, appearing in Chinese texts at least as early as <strong>the</strong> seventh century AD. The biomedical understanding <strong>of</strong> nutritional deficiency<br />

diseases such as beriberi rests on <strong>the</strong> idea that a person’s everyday diet, <strong>of</strong>ten little different from her neighbors’ diets, can kill her. If<br />

such an understanding represents modernity in nutritional science, do <strong>the</strong> Chinese concepts that preceded it represent early modernity?<br />

Though <strong>the</strong> symptoms associated with foot qi have remained recognizable through <strong>the</strong> centuries, <strong>the</strong> meaning <strong>of</strong> foot qi and its perceived<br />

relationship with diet have changed a great deal. Using foot qi as <strong>the</strong> illustration, this paper will assess how well “early modern,”<br />

dynastic, and o<strong>the</strong>r common types <strong>of</strong> periodization fit <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> Chinese nutritional knowledge.<br />

Eva Ahrén Snickare, Nobel Museum (eva.snickare@nobel.se)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom VII<br />

Medicine and <strong>the</strong> Media: The Human Body on Display around 1900<br />

This paper deals with medical and commercial displays <strong>of</strong> human bodies around <strong>the</strong> turn <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> century 1900. These different types <strong>of</strong><br />

exhibitions are revealed as connected through a series <strong>of</strong> representing and ordering practices. They can be regarded as one and <strong>the</strong> same<br />

visual culture, centered on <strong>the</strong> (normal and deviant) forms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> human body. However, <strong>the</strong>re were also important differences between<br />

<strong>the</strong> medical and commercial displays: both <strong>the</strong> audiences and <strong>the</strong> way <strong>the</strong>se audiences were addressed differed between <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essional<br />

and <strong>the</strong> popular contexts. Exhibited artefacts communicated ra<strong>the</strong>r different meanings in different settings. Preparing specimens and<br />

models for purposes <strong>of</strong> research and education was a central practice in <strong>the</strong> anatomical and pathological institutions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 19th and<br />

<strong>the</strong> early 20th centuries. The visualisation <strong>of</strong> bodily structures was crucial in developing as well as communicating anatomical and patho-


logical knowledge. Mastering various forms <strong>of</strong> visual media <strong>the</strong>refore constituted an important part <strong>of</strong> a medical scientist’s pr<strong>of</strong>essional<br />

repertoire. At <strong>the</strong> same time as specimens conserved in various techniques were on display in medical museums, <strong>the</strong> general public<br />

could see artefacts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> same kind in <strong>the</strong> popular wax museums. Ano<strong>the</strong>r phenomenon closely connected to <strong>the</strong> medical discourse<br />

was <strong>the</strong> freak-show: <strong>the</strong>y both objectified odd or deviant bodies for <strong>the</strong>ir own interests. Wax museums, freak-shows and medical museums<br />

also share a common history, dating back to <strong>the</strong> old collections <strong>of</strong> curiosities. O<strong>the</strong>r connected phenomena around 1900 were<br />

phrenological and hygienic exhibitions. This media history <strong>of</strong> medical imagery and display concerns scientific and popular concepts <strong>of</strong><br />

medicine and <strong>the</strong> body. It also involves questions about cultural representations <strong>of</strong> power, gender, class and ethnicity.<br />

Laura J. Snyder, St. John’s University (snyderl@stjohns.edu)<br />

Thursday, <strong>18</strong>-Nov-04, 5:00 - 7:00 PM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Lord Only <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruffians and Fiends?: William Whewell and <strong>the</strong> Plurality <strong>of</strong> Worlds Debate<br />

Upon receiving a copy <strong>of</strong> William Whewell’s work, Of <strong>the</strong> Plurality <strong>of</strong> Worlds, in <strong>18</strong>53, his friend John Herschel wrote back: “So this <strong>the</strong>n<br />

is <strong>the</strong> best <strong>of</strong> all possible worlds—<strong>the</strong> ne plus ultra between which and <strong>the</strong> seventh heaven <strong>the</strong>re is nothing intermediate. Oh dear! Oh<br />

dear! ‘Tis a sad cutting down. Lord only <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ruffians and Fiends….I can’t give in my adhesion to <strong>the</strong> doctrine that between this<br />

and <strong>the</strong> angelic <strong>the</strong>re are not some dozen or two grades <strong>of</strong> intellectual and moral creatures….” We may presume that Herschel’s tongue<br />

was firmly in cheek, but his dismay was real. Like most o<strong>the</strong>r scientists, philosophers and religious people in Britain in <strong>the</strong> nineteenth<br />

century, Herschel endorsed <strong>the</strong> view that <strong>the</strong> universe contained numerous o<strong>the</strong>r worlds populated by intelligent inhabitants. (Indeed,<br />

his own work on <strong>the</strong> double stars had contributed evidence, according to many, for this pluralist position.) Whewell’s book was one <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> first by an eminent intellectual to oppose this general trend since <strong>the</strong> 16th century. What was perhaps most odd about this is that<br />

Whewell had endorsed pluralism twenty years earlier, in his contribution to <strong>the</strong> Bridgewater Treatises (works commissioned for <strong>the</strong> purposes<br />

<strong>of</strong> showing how various scientific disciplines could contribute to Natural Theology). In this paper I will show that Whewell’s<br />

reversal had mostly to do with three factors: important developments in his philosophical outlook; <strong>the</strong> influence <strong>of</strong> Richard Owen’s<br />

<strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> archetypes on Whewell’s view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> argument from design, and Whewell’s perception <strong>of</strong> a need to streng<strong>the</strong>n such arguments<br />

in light <strong>of</strong> evolutionary accounts <strong>of</strong> human origins; and new findings in <strong>the</strong> sciences <strong>of</strong> geology and astronomy. By examining<br />

this shift in Whewell’s position, we may increase our understanding about <strong>the</strong> interplay between science, religion and philosophy in <strong>the</strong><br />

plurality <strong>of</strong> worlds debate in <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century.<br />

Alistair Sponsel, Princeton University (asponsel@princeton.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom III<br />

Fathoming <strong>the</strong> Depth <strong>of</strong> Charles Darwin’s Theory <strong>of</strong> Coral Reef Formation.<br />

This paper is a revisionist account <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> Charles Darwin’s <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> coral reef formation. I argue that Darwin undertook<br />

a coral program long before <strong>the</strong> presumed genesis <strong>of</strong> his work on reef formation, and show how accounts that emphasize <strong>the</strong> geological<br />

implications <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory overlook <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>oretical weight <strong>of</strong> his ongoing work on coral biology and distribution. I will propose<br />

that Darwin’s coral <strong>the</strong>ory is based on <strong>the</strong> model <strong>of</strong> Humboldt’s <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> altitudinal speciation, and I will argue that this view sheds<br />

new light on <strong>the</strong> significance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Beagle’s hydrographic mission for Darwin’s <strong>the</strong>ory-making.<br />

Mat<strong>the</strong>w Stanley, Iowa State University (stanley@fas.harvard.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Big Bend A, B, & C<br />

The Pointsman: Maxwell’s Demon and Victorian Freewill<br />

James Clerk Maxwell’s “demon” is conventionally understood to be an attempt to show <strong>the</strong> limitations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> second law <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>rmodynamics.<br />

This is certainly an important element, but in this paper I will explore <strong>the</strong> cultural roots <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> demon, particularly in<br />

Maxwell’s religious development. Maxwell’s Christian faith was a mix <strong>of</strong> several <strong>the</strong>ological influences, but issues <strong>of</strong> free-will and human<br />

choice in <strong>the</strong> world were always central to his religiosity. He initially modeled <strong>the</strong> human soul as a pointsman on a railroad as a way to<br />

retain free-will in a mechanistic universe. This image <strong>of</strong> human choice coming from very slight evasions <strong>of</strong> energy physics provided a<br />

resource he later applied to <strong>the</strong> problems <strong>of</strong> statistical understandings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>rmodynamics. Maxwell’s demon was thus a <strong>the</strong>ological<br />

construct as well as a <strong>the</strong>rmodynamic one, and this paper will investigate <strong>the</strong> relationship between its role in <strong>the</strong>se different contexts.<br />

Laura Stark, Princeton University (lstark@princeton.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Hill Country C<br />

Practicing Morality: Psychological Research Practices and <strong>the</strong> Rise <strong>of</strong> Human Subjects Regulations in Postwar America<br />

During <strong>the</strong> 1970s, <strong>the</strong> research practices defined by pr<strong>of</strong>essional psychologists as morally acceptable for <strong>the</strong>ir own discipline would form<br />

a prominent part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> newly created US federal human subjects regulations. This extended <strong>the</strong> reach <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> practices beyond <strong>the</strong>ir origins<br />

in experimentalism and in <strong>the</strong> discipline <strong>of</strong> psychology, and <strong>the</strong>refore imposed <strong>the</strong> possibilities <strong>of</strong> knowledge and conceptions <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> subject that such practices imply. By focusing on psychology, this paper develops an account <strong>of</strong> American human subjects regulations<br />

beyond <strong>the</strong>ir legitimating myth, which paints <strong>the</strong> American regulations as an obvious and direct response to <strong>the</strong> Nuremburg Code.<br />

Engaging with recent interest in morality among historians <strong>of</strong> science, this paper argues that postwar psychologists defined <strong>the</strong>ir moral<br />

methods at a time when commitments to <strong>the</strong> proper way to conduct experimental research came into conflict with ideas about <strong>the</strong>


appropriate ways to treat people. Fueled by a desire to make psychology appear more pr<strong>of</strong>essional and by a preference to self-regulate,<br />

members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> American Psychological Association (APA) created <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>ession’s first code <strong>of</strong> ethics through <strong>the</strong> early 1950s, with<br />

two distinctive features: a lack <strong>of</strong> concern with <strong>the</strong> ethical treatment <strong>of</strong> human subjects, and a decision to create <strong>the</strong> code inductively,<br />

building <strong>the</strong> moral guide around a survey <strong>of</strong> member psychologists. By <strong>the</strong> mid-1960s, however, popular backlash and congressional<br />

hearings directed at <strong>the</strong> discipline spurred a revision <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essional code, again using <strong>the</strong> inductive model, this time specifically<br />

aimed at delimiting <strong>the</strong> proper treatment <strong>of</strong> research subjects. Receiving thousands <strong>of</strong> survey responses attesting to <strong>the</strong> questionable<br />

treatment <strong>of</strong> human subjects by <strong>the</strong>ir colleagues, leaders <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> APA wrote a narrow and detailed new version <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> code. Yet this new<br />

version would be reworked countless times over three years because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> outcry, particularly from experimental social psychologists,<br />

claiming that research would be impossible under such ethical restrictions. Eventually, some research practices, such as debriefing, were<br />

deemed virtuous by <strong>the</strong> APA, rendering morally acceptable some practices, such as deception, that were fraught and yet necessary for<br />

experimental research.<br />

David Steffes, University <strong>of</strong> Oklahoma (David.M.Steffes-1@ou.edu)<br />

Thursday, <strong>18</strong>-Nov-04, 5:00 - 7:00 PM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

Causal Connections, Nature’s Game and Organismal Perspective:<br />

The Role <strong>of</strong> Chance in Sewall Wright’s “Balanced” Evolutionary Theory<br />

The extraordinary career <strong>of</strong> American geneticist Sewall Wright unites three prominent areas in <strong>the</strong> history and philosophy <strong>of</strong> science:<br />

statistics, evolutionary biology, and philosophy <strong>of</strong> biology. Unfortunately, discipline-bounded scholarly discussions have treated <strong>the</strong>se<br />

facets <strong>of</strong> Wright’s science as if <strong>the</strong>y were independent <strong>of</strong> one ano<strong>the</strong>r. In this paper I seek to link <strong>the</strong>se aspects <strong>of</strong> Wright’s work and<br />

so to provide a more complete picture <strong>of</strong> his science. I will do so by focusing on one <strong>of</strong> modern science’s hallmark concepts: chance.<br />

A persistent preoccupation with causal interrelationships pervaded Wright’s multifarious accomplishments, such as path analysis in statistics,<br />

<strong>the</strong> “shifting-balance” <strong>the</strong>ory in evolutionary biology, and organicism in philosophy. In his view, <strong>the</strong> prerequisite for an understanding<br />

causal systems (whe<strong>the</strong>r in statistics, biology, or philosophy) was an appreciation for nature’s game. For Wright, <strong>the</strong> statistical<br />

study <strong>of</strong> causal links yielded a bold indeterminism not easily appropriated within <strong>the</strong> biology <strong>of</strong> his time. Consequently, Wright’s perspective<br />

on life’s processes diverged from that <strong>of</strong> his “neo-Darwinian” peers, most notably from R.A. Fisher’s analysis <strong>of</strong> causal interrelations.<br />

Ironically, Wright’s views—<strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> chance mechanisms at sublevels, <strong>the</strong> hierarchical order <strong>of</strong> nature, and <strong>the</strong> central<br />

role <strong>of</strong> equilibrium conditions in driving change—more closely resembled today’s perspective on life than did those <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> vanguard<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> evolutionary syn<strong>the</strong>sis.<br />

Mary Terrall, University <strong>of</strong> Califorina, Los Angeles (terrall@history.ucla.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Réaumur’s Networks <strong>of</strong> Knowledge and Practice<br />

By virtue <strong>of</strong> his enmity with Buffon, Réaumur has been largely shunted aside in <strong>the</strong> historiography <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>18</strong>th-century life sciences, but<br />

his prolific work arguably set <strong>the</strong> standard for observational natural history. It deserves careful examination for what it can tell us about<br />

<strong>the</strong> practice <strong>of</strong> natural history, and for unexpected connections between mundane work with e.g. chicken breeding and <strong>the</strong> most hotly<br />

contested <strong>the</strong>oretical questions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> day. Réaumur made a practice <strong>of</strong> avoiding grand <strong>the</strong>orizing or speculation while coordinating a<br />

global network <strong>of</strong> correspondents who fed his prolific appetite for curious phenomena and previously unknown organisms. His books<br />

on insects and chickens sparked enormous interest in observation, collecting and experiment among his readers, on a spectrum that<br />

included provincial intendants, colonial physicians, noblewomen with time on <strong>the</strong>ir hands, clerics, and small landowners. They also<br />

inspired extensive research programs in young people who subsequently made natural history <strong>the</strong>ir own work, men such as Bonnet,<br />

Trembley, Lyonet, Bazin and Lelarge de Lignac. This paper looks at Réaumur’s work on breeding as an arena where development <strong>of</strong><br />

technology and instrumentation (incubators, <strong>the</strong>rmometers, hygrometers), rational improvement (increasing poultry production), <strong>the</strong>ories<br />

<strong>of</strong> generation, management <strong>of</strong> correspondence networks and production <strong>of</strong> books all contributed to a form <strong>of</strong> natural history that<br />

incorporated elements <strong>of</strong> genteel country life, urban academic science and artisanal work. Manuscript material on Réaumur’s breeding<br />

experiments will be discussed in <strong>the</strong> light <strong>of</strong> this nexus <strong>of</strong> problems.<br />

Charles Thorpe, University College London (thorpe73@yahoo.co.uk)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

Scientific Freedom, Cold War Liberalism, and <strong>the</strong> Oppenheimer Case<br />

This paper examines <strong>the</strong> cultural impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1954 Oppenheimer loyalty-security hearing in relation to Cold War liberalism. It argues<br />

that <strong>the</strong> powerful significance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> case for American intellectuals was due to <strong>the</strong> central place which <strong>the</strong> notion <strong>of</strong> scientific freedom<br />

had assumed in <strong>the</strong> conceptualization <strong>of</strong> liberal political freedom during <strong>the</strong> Cold War. The notion <strong>of</strong> scientific freedom had become<br />

an important element in American intellectuals’ framing <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ideological conflict between <strong>the</strong> capitalist democracies and communism.<br />

At <strong>the</strong> same time, an idealization <strong>of</strong> science went hand in hand with liberal intellectuals’ increasing distrust <strong>of</strong> popular democracy and<br />

mass movements in <strong>the</strong> wake <strong>of</strong> World War Two and in response to <strong>the</strong> rise <strong>of</strong> McCarthyism. For Cold War liberals, science was <strong>the</strong><br />

key to defending liberal democratic culture against pressures from expansive communism abroad and irrational populism domestically.<br />

Against this background, <strong>the</strong> Oppenheimer case represented not just an institutional crisis in <strong>the</strong> relationship between <strong>the</strong> scientific community<br />

and <strong>the</strong> state, but was widely understood as a cultural crisis which went to <strong>the</strong> core <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> relationship between intellectuals and


democratic culture.<br />

Margareta Tillberg, Vaxjo University, School <strong>of</strong> Industrial Engineering (meka@swipnet.se)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Hill Country A<br />

New Eyes. Department for Organic Culture, Leningrad 1920s.<br />

My paper will present <strong>the</strong> Department for Organic Culture, at GINKhUK (State Institute for Artistic Culture) in Leningrad in <strong>the</strong> 1920s.<br />

GINKhUK was one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> many institutes founded after 1917 for arts and sciences where <strong>the</strong> main object was to study man in all possible<br />

facets. This meant to find <strong>the</strong> smallest denominators in different art forms from <strong>the</strong> Renaissance and onwards. In <strong>the</strong> vein <strong>of</strong><br />

Enlightenment, <strong>the</strong> end product should be an encyclopaedia <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> arts defined according to “Artistic Culture.” The supervisor <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Department for Organic Culture was Mikhail Matiushin (<strong>18</strong>61-1934). Matiushin was originally trained as a musician. “NOT viskusstve”<br />

(Scientific Organization <strong>of</strong> Work in <strong>the</strong> Arts) signalled <strong>the</strong> direction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> research. Firmly based in observations in nature, <strong>the</strong> aim <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> research <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Laboratory <strong>of</strong> Colour and Form was to develop a colour <strong>the</strong>ory as a part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> encyclopaedic grammar and to train<br />

<strong>the</strong> innate anatomy into a kind <strong>of</strong> sharpened vision. Eyes, ears, skin and brain were to be trained to merge into what Matiushin called<br />

“extended vision”. This special kind <strong>of</strong> vision (sometimes, but only in non-published sources, was also called “higher consciousness”)<br />

included a visual angle <strong>of</strong> 360° and ability to see colours intensely even in badly illuminated circumstances. With sources drawn from<br />

wild animals (hares, eagles, lions), 19th- century experimental psychology and physiology (Hermann von Helmholtz, Johannes von<br />

Kries) <strong>the</strong> anatomy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> eye was explored. The achieved abilities were believed to be inheritable. The idea <strong>of</strong> a New Man was in accordance<br />

with <strong>the</strong> time. The experiments <strong>of</strong> colour vision produced a book published in 1932 as one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> last manifestos from <strong>the</strong><br />

Russian avantgarde. The same year censorship would allow only expressions made according to <strong>the</strong> Socialist Realist method. My work<br />

is based on archive research in Russia.<br />

Sara Tjossem, Columbia University (sft2101@columbia.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country B<br />

Competing Visions for Marine <strong>Science</strong> in <strong>the</strong> North Pacific<br />

In <strong>the</strong> early 1970s, an international group <strong>of</strong> marine scientists informally discussed developing a regional marine science organization<br />

for <strong>the</strong> North Pacific analogous to <strong>the</strong> International Council for <strong>the</strong> Exploration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sea (ICES). Subsequent talks eventually led to<br />

intergovernmental meetings and culminated in <strong>the</strong> 1992 establishment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> North Pacific Marine <strong>Science</strong> Organization, (PICES). Its<br />

development was pr<strong>of</strong>oundly affected by changes in <strong>the</strong> Law <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sea, particularly Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs) and <strong>the</strong> restructuring<br />

<strong>of</strong> international fisheries commissions. An examination <strong>of</strong> PICES in comparison with ICES and <strong>the</strong> North Pacific Anadromous<br />

Fisheries Commission highlights tensions <strong>of</strong> how best to enhance interactions between scientific research and its applications, and<br />

among subfields <strong>of</strong> marine science.<br />

Sigurd Tønnessen, Center for <strong>the</strong> Study <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Science</strong>s and <strong>the</strong> Humanities, University <strong>of</strong> Bergen (sigurd.tonnessen@svt.uib.no)<br />

Saturday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Big Bend A, B, & C<br />

Creating Physics: Kepler’s Analysis and Syn<strong>the</strong>sis <strong>of</strong> Geometry, Kinematics and Dynamics<br />

Kepler is a giant in <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> science, not only because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> three laws <strong>of</strong> planetary motion associated with him, but because <strong>of</strong><br />

his insights into <strong>the</strong> manner in which knowledge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> physical world can be achieved. As it is pointed out in several recent works on<br />

Kepler, his insistence on physical explanations is <strong>the</strong> key factor in understanding him as a historically important and influential figure. I<br />

argue that Kepler’s complex and apparently incoherent and disconnected arguments are justifiable and necessary steps in <strong>the</strong> development<br />

<strong>of</strong> and justification for his first two laws. The various discussions in Kepler’s Astronomia Nova are indispensable parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> project<br />

<strong>of</strong> establishing a physical foundation for astronomy. Kepler’s requirement that <strong>the</strong> explanatory system must include causes necessitated<br />

revisions and analyses <strong>of</strong> all three levels <strong>of</strong> physical representations: geometry, kinematics and dynamics. The most characteristic<br />

feature concerning <strong>the</strong> revisions and analyses <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> representations and explanations are <strong>the</strong>ir mutual dependency. A specific outcome<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> analyses at one level will influence <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r levels in a specific way. By following Kepler’s reasoning it is shown how he develops<br />

several <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> main characteristics <strong>of</strong> Newtonian physics and calculus, e.g. that motion has to be decomposed and represented as<br />

an instantaneous quantity in order to reveal underlying causes. Moreover, I claim that his final arguments on dynamics relating to <strong>the</strong><br />

area-law are valid in a manner that, so far, has not been fully recognised.<br />

John Tresch, Northwestern University (j-tresch@northwestern.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom VII<br />

The Automaton and its Uncanny Kin in French Fantastic Literature, c.<strong>18</strong>48<br />

The automaton occupies as central a place in nineteenth century fantastic literature as <strong>the</strong> mesmerized patient, <strong>the</strong> revenant, and <strong>the</strong><br />

inanimate object eerily endowed with life. This paper reads <strong>the</strong> figures <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> uncanny developed in French fantastic literature as a record<br />

<strong>of</strong> anxieties accompanying rapid scientific, technological, and political change. Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> shifts which took place in this period, refig-


ured in tales <strong>of</strong> transmutation and haunting, include <strong>the</strong> quantitative harnessing <strong>of</strong> previously mysterious fluids such as electricity, magnetism,<br />

light and heat in post-Laplacean physics; <strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong> steam power in transport and heavy industry; and <strong>the</strong> eradication <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> old regime and <strong>the</strong> fitful cycle <strong>of</strong> revolution and reaction which followed it. In Freud’s famous <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> uncanny, a “disquieting<br />

strangeness” is explained as <strong>the</strong> revelation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> individual psychic past in <strong>the</strong> reactions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> present; my analysis will expand to<br />

include o<strong>the</strong>r cases in which distinct ways <strong>of</strong> worldmaking are brought into sudden and jarring contact: <strong>the</strong> encounter <strong>of</strong> distinct places<br />

(as in <strong>the</strong> Orientalism <strong>of</strong> Nerval), times (both in new speculative fictions and in <strong>the</strong> nostalgia <strong>of</strong> a lost aristocratic order), and worldviews<br />

(as in <strong>the</strong> “gestalt switch” <strong>of</strong> Kuhn’s <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> scientific change, figured in imagery <strong>of</strong> alchemy and bewitchment). Despite a fascination<br />

with mechanical processes <strong>of</strong> production and communication, in <strong>the</strong> pages <strong>of</strong> fantastic literature, a new image <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> self, subject<br />

to overwhelming irrational forces, emerged; at <strong>the</strong> same time <strong>the</strong> field <strong>of</strong> “literature” took shape, as <strong>the</strong> repository for “subjective”<br />

explorations <strong>of</strong> language and <strong>the</strong> human imagination. This paper situates mid-century images <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> automaton and related imagery in<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir context, a history <strong>of</strong> mechanical subjectivity that connects new modes <strong>of</strong> understanding <strong>the</strong> self with new technologies for <strong>the</strong><br />

mastery <strong>of</strong> nature.<br />

Olga A. Valkova, S. I. Vavilov Institute for <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong> and Technology, Moscow (valkova@ihst.ru)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Hill Country A<br />

Women Taking on <strong>the</strong> Role <strong>of</strong> Scientist in Nineteenth-Century Russia<br />

The decade <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>18</strong>60s served as a watershed in many aspects <strong>of</strong> social life in nineteenth-century Russia, including <strong>the</strong> establishment<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> cult <strong>of</strong> science among <strong>the</strong> public and <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> an active struggle for women’s equal access to higher education. But even<br />

before Russian women obtained legal rights for higher education, and before <strong>the</strong>y were allowed to work as college teachers or<br />

researchers, a number <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m had already managed to establish <strong>the</strong>mselves as members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> scientific community, including several<br />

women who were elected as corresponding members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> St. Petersburg Academy <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong>s. This paper examines <strong>the</strong> first generation<br />

<strong>of</strong> female scientists, revealing how <strong>the</strong>y came to accept and understand <strong>the</strong>ir newfound roles.<br />

Steven R. Vanden Broecke, The Johns Hopkins University (sbroecke@jhu.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom V<br />

Disciplining Astrology: Notes on <strong>the</strong> Publication <strong>of</strong> Tycho Brahe’s World System (1588)<br />

Disciplinary “role-reversal” and courtly patronage contributed greatly to our understanding <strong>of</strong> Renaissance astronomy. However, <strong>the</strong><br />

motivations <strong>of</strong> courtly patrons in supporting disciplinary hooliganism are still a matter <strong>of</strong> contention. This paper seeks to advance this<br />

conversation by focusing on <strong>the</strong> publication <strong>of</strong> Tycho Brahe’s geo-heliocentric system (1588). The latter is <strong>of</strong>ten portrayed as a “<strong>the</strong>oretical”<br />

event, seeking to contest or redefine various academic traditions <strong>of</strong> representing nature and supernature. As an alternative, I suggest<br />

that <strong>the</strong> publication <strong>of</strong> Tycho’s world-system was a disciplining act aimed at <strong>the</strong> “practice” <strong>of</strong> judicial astrology. This interpretation<br />

avoids certain assumptions about <strong>the</strong> historical events surrounding Tycho’s publication and its performative function in a court setting<br />

that seem weakly supported.<br />

Holly C. VanScoy, Academic Research Associates (academres@aol.com)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country A<br />

The Role <strong>of</strong> The Psychological <strong>Science</strong>s in The Supreme Court’s Decision in Brown v. Board <strong>of</strong> Education<br />

An content analysis <strong>of</strong> psychology journals in <strong>the</strong> ten years before and after <strong>the</strong> landmark Supreme Court decision ending segregation<br />

is used to examine <strong>the</strong> extent to which scholarly research informed <strong>the</strong> decision, as well as <strong>the</strong> extent to which <strong>the</strong> decision bolstered<br />

scholarly research. This analysis supports <strong>the</strong> conclusion that research in psychology was more impacted by <strong>the</strong> judicial decision than<br />

impactful <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> decision. Alternate interpretation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> results are also provided, including reflections on <strong>the</strong> status <strong>of</strong> scholarly journals<br />

and publication standards <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> period.<br />

Charissa S. Varma, IHPST, University <strong>of</strong> Toronto (charissa.varma@utoronto.ca)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country C<br />

Early 19th Century Taxonomy and Essentialism: William Kirby’s Place in <strong>the</strong> <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> Systematics<br />

Pre-Darwinian naturalists aimed to catalogue nature into efficient, practical information storage and retrieval systems that also attempted<br />

to reflect <strong>the</strong> real, natural order <strong>of</strong> living things. However, historians <strong>of</strong> systematics have focused not on <strong>the</strong>ir aims and practicality<br />

but on <strong>the</strong>ir metaphysics: <strong>the</strong>ir belief in <strong>the</strong> fixity <strong>of</strong> species created by God and <strong>the</strong>ir belief that <strong>the</strong> task <strong>of</strong> taxonomy is to discover<br />

<strong>the</strong> “essences” <strong>of</strong> species. Ernst Mayr has stressed that pre-Darwinian naturalists were essentialists. Arthur Cain’s argument that<br />

Linnaeus is a prime example <strong>of</strong> such a naturalist has been widely accepted. One would expect William Kirby <strong>the</strong> pious author <strong>of</strong> one<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bridgewater Treatises to fit this image perfectly. Yet Kirby’s claims in his great <strong>18</strong>02 monograph on bee taxonomy frustrate any<br />

attempt to squeeze him into <strong>the</strong> boxes Cain and Mayr have constructed. Kirby’s “Monographia Apum Angliae” uses a variety <strong>of</strong> “type<br />

concepts”, some <strong>of</strong> which resist this essentialist characterisation. While Kirby’s beliefs about species were certainly creationist, his<br />

methodology was quite unconstrained by his creationist worldview. More importantly, Kirby admired Linnaeus and adopted large portions<br />

<strong>of</strong> Linnaeus’s system precisely because he saw Linnaeus behaving in ways counter to our present understanding <strong>of</strong> essentialism.


Jeremy Vetter, University <strong>of</strong> Pennsylvania (jvetter@sas.upenn.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Knowledge, Capitalism, and <strong>the</strong> States:<br />

The Role <strong>of</strong> State Surveys in <strong>the</strong> Economic Development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> U.S. Central West, <strong>18</strong>90-1920<br />

Surveys are scientific tools <strong>of</strong> state authority; <strong>the</strong>y enable a territorial domain to be known and governed. But <strong>the</strong>y also reflect <strong>the</strong> larger<br />

economic forces <strong>of</strong> a particular time period, such as <strong>the</strong> state-promoted expansion <strong>of</strong> capitalist agriculture and mining across <strong>the</strong><br />

United States. In <strong>the</strong> late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, state geological surveys were established in <strong>the</strong> new states <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> West,<br />

such as Colorado, Wyoming, Kansas, Nebraska, and South Dakota. Sometimes <strong>the</strong>se states also funded natural history surveys <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

plants and animals <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir political territories, although less generously. The proponents <strong>of</strong> state geological and natural history surveys<br />

articulated a direct relationship between scientific surveys and economic development. This paper seeks to understand that relationship<br />

more analytically by examining state-funded surveys established in <strong>the</strong> Central West between <strong>18</strong>90 and 1920 long cast by U.S. historians<br />

as a decisive watershed in <strong>the</strong> triumph <strong>of</strong> corporate capitalism and state bureaucracy. By <strong>the</strong> Progressive Era <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> early twentieth century,<br />

scientific experts began to gain a foothold in states which had been bastions <strong>of</strong> alternative visions <strong>of</strong> economic development, especially<br />

Populism, in <strong>the</strong> <strong>18</strong>90s. I argue that <strong>the</strong> main role <strong>of</strong> surveys in this time period in <strong>the</strong> West (especially geological surveys) was to<br />

facilitate <strong>the</strong> expansion <strong>of</strong> large scale capitalism. In addition to <strong>the</strong> obvious task <strong>of</strong> training experts who might have careers in industry,<br />

<strong>the</strong>se surveys also nurtured a common stock <strong>of</strong> public knowledge and provided credible knowledge to support investment decisions.<br />

Margarete Voehringer, Max-Planck-Institute for <strong>the</strong> <strong>History</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong> Berlin (voehringer@mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Hill Country A<br />

How to Experiment with Instruments, Stones and People –<br />

Nikolai Ladovski’s Psychotechnical Laboratory for Architecture, Moscow 1926<br />

In post-revolutionary Russia, life has become an experiment. The Russian Avantgarde took <strong>the</strong> new communist society as a quasi-artistic<br />

attempt and followed <strong>the</strong> formalist idea <strong>of</strong> “Art as a method” for visualization, trying to free <strong>the</strong> automated perception <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> suppressed<br />

worker by way <strong>of</strong> artistic alienation in order to produce an “enlightened Proletarian”. But within this experimental set-up, <strong>the</strong><br />

Fine Arts were assisted by <strong>the</strong> life-sciences <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> time: psychology, physiology, psychophysics and in <strong>the</strong> 1920s predominantly, psychotechnics.<br />

All <strong>the</strong>se disciplines can be synchronized in one major vision: to build a new world for <strong>the</strong> new, revolutionized human being<br />

– which first <strong>of</strong> all meant to produce new preconditions for visual perception. My paper will introduce <strong>the</strong> “Psychoanalytical Method”<br />

and <strong>the</strong> “Psychotechnical Laboratory” <strong>of</strong> Nikolai Ladovski, an architect at <strong>the</strong> VChUTEMAS (Higher Artistic-Technical Laboratories)<br />

in Moscow. In order to study <strong>the</strong> visual perception <strong>of</strong> architecture via lines, angles, volume and space, Ladovski in 1926 installed a series<br />

<strong>of</strong> instruments in a room painted completely black, <strong>the</strong> so-called “Glasometry” (eye-meter). The reports on his experiments carried <strong>the</strong><br />

measurement factors “attention”, “memory”, “perception measurements” and “spatial and motorical abilities” - thus physiological as<br />

well as psychological criteria. I will compare Ladovski’s experiments on human perception to contemporary experimental practices and<br />

<strong>the</strong>reby contextualize <strong>the</strong>m with <strong>the</strong> Russian Avantgarde and with <strong>the</strong> Applied <strong>Science</strong>s. In doing so, I question anew both <strong>the</strong> objects<br />

and agents <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> arts and sciences in Soviet Russia and <strong>the</strong> density <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir disciplinary borders. The complicity <strong>of</strong> psychotechnics with<br />

<strong>the</strong> arts will shed a new light on <strong>the</strong> latter’s function as a means for communication beyond language – in Ladovski’s case via space.<br />

Amber Vogel, University <strong>of</strong> North Carolina at Chapel Hill (ottotwo@email.unc.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Big Bend D & E<br />

From Frankenstein to Frankenfoods: An Interdisciplinary Approach to Secondary Education in <strong>the</strong> Biosciences<br />

This paper will describe “DNA Narratives,” an interdisciplinary curriculum that has been successfully piloted in secondary schools in<br />

North Carolina by <strong>the</strong> Partnership for Minority Advancement in <strong>the</strong> Biomolecular <strong>Science</strong>s (with funding from <strong>the</strong> Howard Hughes<br />

Medical Institute and <strong>the</strong> National Institutes <strong>of</strong> Health). This curriculum emphasizes <strong>the</strong> narrative threads in biology <strong>the</strong> stories and histories<br />

that pique interest, expand vocabulary, supply analogy, and imprint knowledge. In a time <strong>of</strong> increasing demands on teachers and<br />

students to prepare for state- and nationally mandated tests, <strong>the</strong>se narratives can help <strong>the</strong>m weave useful, reinforcing connections among<br />

biology, language and visual arts, and social studies. Modules in <strong>the</strong> “DNA Narratives” curriculum are informed by <strong>the</strong> interdisciplinary<br />

approaches <strong>of</strong> eighteenth- and nineteenth-century experimenters and explorers and <strong>the</strong>ir literary counterparts. This paper will focus on<br />

three modules: “Frankenstein’s Fingerprints,” “The Evolution <strong>of</strong> Evolution,” and “Exploring New Environments.” These modules dealing<br />

with genetics, evolution, and ecosystems, respectively draw on <strong>the</strong> lives and works <strong>of</strong> figures like Erasmus Darwin, Charles Darwin,<br />

Mary Shelley, and William Blake to provide historical contexts and literary frameworks for what are sometimes challenging topics on <strong>the</strong><br />

pre-college biology syllabus. In combination with a range <strong>of</strong> innovative pedagogical techniques, this approach helps teachers and students<br />

across disciplines make connections among spheres <strong>of</strong> knowledge, as well as between past and present advances in scientific<br />

understanding.<br />

Adelheid Voskuhl, Cornell University (acv3@cornell.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom VII


Bourgeois Automata: Mechanical Bodies and Autonomous Subjects in <strong>the</strong><br />

Nascent Civil <strong>Society</strong> <strong>of</strong> Late <strong>18</strong>th-Century Germany<br />

Of <strong>the</strong> literary writers working in <strong>the</strong> infamous period <strong>of</strong>ten referred to as ‘around <strong>18</strong>00’ in Germany, it was in particular Jean Paul who<br />

made automata a major concern in his texts. Between 1785 and 1792 he wrote five satires which illustrate and elaborate on various<br />

mechanical and epistemological aspects <strong>of</strong> ‘machine-men’. While Jean Paul’s texts are notoriously fragmentary and enigmatic pieces,<br />

replete with subtle and obscure allusions and metaphors, <strong>the</strong>y are also an intriguing and significant microcosm <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> scientific and political<br />

preoccupations <strong>of</strong> late <strong>18</strong>th-century Germany. Taking close readings <strong>of</strong> a few key passages <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se satires as a starting point, my<br />

presentation first sketches out briefly <strong>the</strong> tradition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Early Enlightenment in Germany and <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mechanism, <strong>the</strong> machine,<br />

and <strong>the</strong> human body in it. This tradition was one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most important intellectual currents on which <strong>the</strong> political and <strong>the</strong> (natural)<br />

philosophical modernity in Germany was built. Second, I will demonstrate that, even in <strong>the</strong> reactions to, and criticisms <strong>of</strong>, <strong>the</strong> rationalist<br />

epistemologies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Early Enlightenment (as <strong>the</strong>y are expressed, for example, in <strong>the</strong> traditions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Late Enlightement and <strong>the</strong><br />

Early Romanticism) <strong>the</strong> motif <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> automaton was far from being a clearly marked spectre <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> all-encompassing mechanical worldview.<br />

The mechanism and <strong>the</strong> principles <strong>of</strong> (self-)determination and rationality coming with it were an important part in <strong>the</strong> negotiation<br />

<strong>of</strong> principles <strong>of</strong> ‘sensitive’ selfhood and bourgeois subjectivity in <strong>the</strong> nascent civil society in <strong>the</strong> German lands. Taking Jean Paul’s<br />

literary expression as an example, I aim to elucidate <strong>the</strong> intricacies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> motif <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> automaton and its paradoxical connotations at<br />

that time to explain <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> man-machine in <strong>the</strong> beginnings <strong>of</strong> modern society in Germany.<br />

Mark A. Waddell, The Johns Hopkins University (m.waddell@gmail.com)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country C<br />

Magic, Magnets, and Machines: Jesuit Depictions <strong>of</strong> Artifice and <strong>the</strong> End <strong>of</strong> Nature’s Wondrous Power<br />

Around <strong>the</strong> middle <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> seventeenth century, several important treatises penned by Jesuit authors — most significantly, Athanasius<br />

Kircher, Gaspar Schott, and Francesco Lana Terzi presented readers with a conception <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world in which <strong>the</strong> wondrous and mysterious<br />

powers <strong>of</strong> Nature were replaced as a focus <strong>of</strong> discussion by <strong>the</strong> spectacle <strong>of</strong> human (or, more precisely, Jesuit) ingenuity. Filled<br />

with demonstrations <strong>of</strong> artificial magic and depictions <strong>of</strong> machines designed to harness and exploit <strong>the</strong>se natural powers, such works<br />

permitted <strong>the</strong> revelation and subsequent devaluing <strong>of</strong> Nature’s secrets while <strong>the</strong>y simultaneously affirmed <strong>the</strong> skill and power <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Jesuits <strong>the</strong>mselves.<br />

Brett L. Walker, Montana State University (bwalker@gemini.oscs.montana.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom VII<br />

Global <strong>Science</strong> and National Distinctiveness: Animal Representations and <strong>the</strong> Birth <strong>of</strong> Ecology in Japan<br />

In <strong>the</strong> 1930s and 40s, Japanese scholars, who defined <strong>the</strong>ir field as “ecology” (seitaigaku), began fashioning <strong>the</strong>ir own version <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

new global science that sought to elucidate <strong>the</strong> organic relations between living things and <strong>the</strong>ir environments. In particular, Imanishi<br />

Kinji, when crafting <strong>the</strong>ories <strong>of</strong> wolf extinction, preferred to look at <strong>the</strong> influence that human activities and <strong>the</strong> environment had on<br />

animal societies as a whole and not focus on <strong>the</strong> internal mechanisms that might be behind <strong>the</strong> individual animal’s struggle with <strong>the</strong> outside<br />

world. Similar to <strong>the</strong> “organismic” ecological tradition in Europe and <strong>the</strong> United States, Imanishi represented animal societies as<br />

holistic organisms unto <strong>the</strong>mselves – such as aggregations <strong>of</strong> wolves or monkeys and not as individualistic social animals. In <strong>the</strong> case<br />

<strong>of</strong> Imanishi, a Confucian and Buddhist milieu linked directly to <strong>the</strong> Kyoto school <strong>of</strong> philosophy provided <strong>the</strong> context for many <strong>of</strong> his<br />

scientific <strong>the</strong>ories, such as those outlined in his philosophy <strong>of</strong> biology, Seibutsu no sekai (The world <strong>of</strong> living things; 1941); but in his<br />

more scholarly writings on biological communities, such as <strong>the</strong> Seibutsu shakai no ronri (The logic <strong>of</strong> biological societies; 1948), he<br />

repeatedly referenced <strong>the</strong> scientific observations <strong>of</strong> such prominent European and American ecologists as Victor Shelford, Charles<br />

Elton, and Warder Clyde Allee. The influence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kyoto school <strong>of</strong> philosophy on Imanishi meant that he and many later Japanese<br />

ecologists, when representing animals, tended to focus on <strong>the</strong> organic interrelatedness <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> entire known world: all things, argued <strong>the</strong><br />

famous Kyoto philosopher Nishida Kitar, shared a “common origin.” But because <strong>the</strong> global “organismic” tradition <strong>of</strong> ecology stressed<br />

biological interrelatedness as well, Imanishi could seamlessly wed <strong>the</strong> distinctive Kyoto school with global trends in science. By focusing<br />

on Imanishi’s debate with ethnologist Yanagita Kunio, and his use <strong>of</strong> Shelford, Elton, Allee and o<strong>the</strong>rs in his writings, this short<br />

paper will argue that even though Imanishi is <strong>of</strong>ten hailed as having created a distinctively “Japanese” form <strong>of</strong> ecology, biology, and<br />

most importantly, primatology ones that mirror Japan’s “exquisite harmony” (bim no ch wa) with <strong>the</strong> natural world and its group-oriented<br />

culture his <strong>the</strong>ories were as much <strong>the</strong> product <strong>of</strong> global ecological discourses. Imanishi’s representation <strong>of</strong> animal societies as<br />

holistic a holism commonly attributed to a Japanese way <strong>of</strong> thinking and <strong>of</strong>ten seen as an alternative to <strong>the</strong> Darwinian focus on <strong>the</strong> individual<br />

was in fact Imanishi’s attempt to engage Western ecologists. Imanishi’s animal representations thus not only trace <strong>the</strong> global<br />

exchange <strong>of</strong> scientific ideas, but force scholars to ask whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>re is a “Japanese science,” one different than that practiced in <strong>the</strong> West.<br />

Jessica Wang, University <strong>of</strong> Califorina, Los Angeles (jwang@history.ucla.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

Knowledge and Policy: Pragmatism, Law, and Social <strong>Science</strong> in New Deal America<br />

How do assumptions about science and technology shape conceptions <strong>of</strong> political organization, order, and authority? In <strong>the</strong> realm <strong>of</strong><br />

early twentieth century American law and politics, science and technology came to provide not merely objects for policymaking and reg-


ulation, but ways <strong>of</strong> thinking and doing that permeated <strong>the</strong> very interstices <strong>of</strong> political thought and action. This paper will examine <strong>the</strong><br />

New Deal as a site in which modernist political concepts, based in particular kinds <strong>of</strong> technocratic understandings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state and its<br />

prerogatives, influenced legal thought and public policy in <strong>the</strong> 1930s. The focus will be on securities regulation and industrial labor relations,<br />

two areas in which pragmatist notions <strong>of</strong> knowledge (rooted in shifting understandings <strong>of</strong> science) and <strong>the</strong> ideal <strong>of</strong> social science<br />

played major roles in shaping policy. Most accounts <strong>of</strong> technocratic politics have emphasized its single-minded scientism and remove<br />

from human concerns, but <strong>the</strong> New Deal’s legal pragmatism insisted that science meant recognizing <strong>the</strong> socially contingent nature <strong>of</strong><br />

truth and <strong>the</strong> lived realities <strong>of</strong> social existence as <strong>the</strong> basis for dynamism and flexibility in <strong>the</strong> forging <strong>of</strong> public policy. Where <strong>the</strong> relationship<br />

between law and social science proved synergistic in <strong>the</strong> Securities and Exchange Commission, however, it was antagonistic on<br />

<strong>the</strong> National Labor Relations Board. The complex nature <strong>of</strong> technocratic politics under <strong>the</strong> New Deal begs scholars to go beyond <strong>the</strong><br />

Taylorist “one best way” toward a more intricate, nuanced understanding <strong>of</strong> how science and technology serve as models for law and<br />

politics.<br />

Zuoyue Wang, California State Polytechnic University, Pomona (zywang@csupomona.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Hill Country B<br />

Technical Aliens:_Chinese Scientists in <strong>the</strong> United States and <strong>the</strong> Politics <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Early Cold War<br />

When Mao Zedong declared <strong>the</strong> founding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> People’s Republic <strong>of</strong> China in Beijing on October 1, 1949, <strong>the</strong>re were about 5,000<br />

Chinese students and scholars studying or working in <strong>the</strong> United States. Now “stranded” by <strong>the</strong> cut-<strong>of</strong>f <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial bilateral relations,<br />

<strong>the</strong>se students and scholars, a sizeable number <strong>of</strong> whom studied science and engineering, never<strong>the</strong>less gained significance as <strong>the</strong> two<br />

governments tried to win <strong>the</strong>ir loyalty. What happened to <strong>the</strong>m? In this paper I examine <strong>the</strong> experiences <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se American-trained<br />

Chinese students and scientists, especially those who chose to return to China, against <strong>the</strong> background <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> early Cold War and <strong>the</strong><br />

Korean War. Their choices were framed and <strong>the</strong>ir fates were shaped by multiple factors: personal background, family situations,<br />

American and Chinese domestic politics, as well as <strong>the</strong> international Cold War. In many ways, this also represents a peculiar case <strong>of</strong><br />

state-sponsored international scientific exchange.<br />

Thomas P. Weber, Lund University, Dep. <strong>of</strong> Animal Ecology (Thomas.Weber@zooekol.lu.se)<br />

Thursday, <strong>18</strong>-Nov-04, 5:00 - 7:00 PM - Texas Ballroom VI<br />

Spiritualism, Evolution and <strong>the</strong> Plurality <strong>of</strong> Worlds:<br />

A Comparison <strong>of</strong> Alfred Russel Wallace, Camille Flammarion and Carl du Prel<br />

In <strong>the</strong> late 19th century, <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>n fashionable spiritualism was linked to evolutionary <strong>the</strong>ory and <strong>the</strong> plurality-<strong>of</strong>-worlds-debate in <strong>the</strong><br />

writings <strong>of</strong> several prominent authors. Alfred Russel Wallace objected strongly to <strong>the</strong> plurality <strong>of</strong> worlds out <strong>of</strong> his evolutionary and<br />

spiritualistic convictions. In contrast, <strong>the</strong> popular French astronomer and Lamarckian Camille Flammarion supported <strong>the</strong> idea <strong>of</strong> extraterrestrial<br />

life. The Bavarian ex-<strong>of</strong>ficer Carl du Prel buttressed his belief in <strong>the</strong> plurality <strong>of</strong> worlds with spiritualism and a developmental<br />

evolutionary <strong>the</strong>ory. I will compare <strong>the</strong> ideas <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> three writers and attempt to find an explanation why apparently similar starting<br />

points led to different outcomes.<br />

Debbie Weinstein, Brandeis University (dfweinst@brandeis.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Big Bend A, B, & C<br />

Through <strong>the</strong> Looking Glass: Technologies <strong>of</strong> Perception in Twentieth-Century American Psycho<strong>the</strong>rapy<br />

This paper will explore <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> perception in 20th c. American psycho<strong>the</strong>rapy by examining how mid-century family <strong>the</strong>rapists used<br />

one-way mirrors in <strong>the</strong>ir <strong>the</strong>rapeutic interventions and <strong>the</strong> training <strong>of</strong> new <strong>the</strong>rapists. Family <strong>the</strong>rapy emerged as a new approach to<br />

psycho<strong>the</strong>rapy in <strong>the</strong> 1950s, against <strong>the</strong> backdrop <strong>of</strong> American psychiatry’s dominance by psychoanalysts and renewed postwar concerns<br />

about <strong>the</strong> state <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> American family. The shift from treating individual patients to whole families entailed new attention to observable<br />

interactions among family members, as opposed to <strong>the</strong> psychoanalytic examination <strong>of</strong> internalized, psychodynamic conflicts. An<br />

early hallmark <strong>of</strong> family <strong>the</strong>rapy was <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> one-way mirrors, based on <strong>the</strong> logic that visual observation was better than <strong>the</strong> standard<br />

practice <strong>of</strong> retrospectively narrating what happened in <strong>the</strong>rapy sessions. The one-way mirror enabled <strong>the</strong>rapists to structure a situation<br />

in which people on one side <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> viewing apparatus could observe those on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r side <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> apparatus, without being seen<br />

in return. From behind a mirror, students learned from watching <strong>the</strong>ir teacher interact with a family, and teachers supervised how <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

students conducted <strong>the</strong>rapy. Some <strong>the</strong>rapists even incorporated a one-way mirror into <strong>the</strong>ir <strong>the</strong>rapeutic interventions by working with<br />

a portion <strong>of</strong> a family in front <strong>of</strong> a mirror while o<strong>the</strong>r family members observed from behind <strong>the</strong> mirror. This paper will use <strong>the</strong> history<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> one-way mirror as a visual technology as a means <strong>of</strong> raising questions about <strong>the</strong> epistemology <strong>of</strong> observation, practices <strong>of</strong><br />

spectatorship, and <strong>the</strong> production <strong>of</strong> objectivity in <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>rapeutics.<br />

Sheila Faith Weiss, Clarkson University (sheilafw@clarkson.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

The Political Function <strong>of</strong> Human Genetics at International Conferences Under <strong>the</strong> Swastika


German human geneticists’ most valuable service to <strong>the</strong> Third Reich was to confer legitimacy to <strong>the</strong> entirity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Nazi racial project—<br />

to publically bestow <strong>the</strong>ir pr<strong>of</strong>essional blessing on <strong>the</strong> ideal <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “racial state.” An important—if not <strong>the</strong> most important—battle for<br />

Nazi racial policy credibility would be fought on <strong>the</strong> world stage. The proposed paper will focus on <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essional activities <strong>of</strong> human<br />

geneticists affliated with <strong>the</strong> Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Anthropology, Human Heredity and Eugenics (KWIA) during <strong>the</strong> Third Reich.<br />

One <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most important ways in which KWIA scientitsts legitimized Nazi racial policy abroad as well as underscored <strong>the</strong>ir own political<br />

usefulness at home was by doing what comes naturally to scientists: hosting, and participating in, international conferences in <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

field. As in o<strong>the</strong>r areas <strong>of</strong> “service to <strong>the</strong> state,” KWIA researchers took up <strong>the</strong> call to arms in <strong>the</strong> international arena with <strong>the</strong>ir tried<br />

and true weapon—with <strong>the</strong> “well sharpened and well-guided” sword <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir science. The mutually beneficial arrangement between <strong>the</strong><br />

Nazi state and KWIA scientists on <strong>the</strong> international stage is but one example <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ways in which human heredity and politcs serves<br />

as resources for each o<strong>the</strong>r under <strong>the</strong> swastika.<br />

Stephen P. Weldon, University <strong>of</strong> Oklahoma (spweldon@ou.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

Humanistic Psychology and Liberal Religion in America, 1950-1980<br />

After decades <strong>of</strong> opposition to and disregard <strong>of</strong> psychology, religious communities in America in <strong>the</strong> post-World War II decades rapidly<br />

began to incorporate ideas from psychology into <strong>the</strong>ir work. This accommodation to modern psychology is most apparent in <strong>the</strong><br />

growing interaction between pastoral work and psychological counseling. New ideas and <strong>the</strong>oretical concerns in <strong>the</strong> field itself made<br />

psychology more appealing to religionists. In particular, a group <strong>of</strong> self-proclaimed humanistic psychologists (Carl Rogers, Gordon<br />

Allport, and Abraham Maslow, among <strong>the</strong>m) began to challenge some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> philosophical foundations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> two reigning paradigms;<br />

<strong>the</strong>y attacked <strong>the</strong> positivistic and deterministic elements in both classical Freudian psychoanalysis and behaviorism. In so doing, <strong>the</strong>y<br />

made accommodation to religious ideas easier and paved <strong>the</strong> way for increased interaction. This paper explores <strong>the</strong> ways that disciplinary<br />

concerns facilitated religious agendas.<br />

Simon Werrett, University <strong>of</strong> Washington, Seattle (werrett@u.washington.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Hill Country A<br />

Russian <strong>Science</strong> Illuminated: Physics, Fireworks, and Court Spectacle at <strong>the</strong> St. Petersburg Academy <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong>s.<br />

Common disciplinary boundaries ensure <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> arts and history <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sciences in eighteenth-century Russia <strong>of</strong>ten remain<br />

distinct, despite <strong>the</strong> fact that for much <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> century, <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> Russia’s artistic and scientific activity occurred in<br />

<strong>the</strong> same place, <strong>the</strong> foreign-dominated St. Petersburg Academy <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong>s and Arts. This paper re-integrates <strong>the</strong> arts and sciences in<br />

eighteenth-century Russia to reveal how arts served a crucial legitimating role in <strong>the</strong> early Academy. While Russians exhibited hostility<br />

or apathy to recently imported and so unfamiliar western physical sciences, <strong>the</strong>y appreciated courtly arts and spectacle as a celebration<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own prestige. During <strong>the</strong> reign <strong>of</strong> Empress Anna Ivanovna in <strong>the</strong> 1730s, academicians turned increasingly to arts such as portraiture,<br />

jewelry, architecture, and printing as a new medium for promoting <strong>the</strong> Academy and <strong>the</strong> sciences to such audiences. This paper<br />

focuses on one such activity, academicians’ designs <strong>of</strong> allegorical fireworks and illuminations for <strong>the</strong> court. Shifting <strong>the</strong> crucial years <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> early Academy into <strong>the</strong> thirties, I propose that arts such as fireworks were essential to <strong>the</strong> successful establishment <strong>of</strong> science in<br />

Russia. I also use <strong>the</strong> career <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> arts to re-read controversies over physics and cosmology during <strong>the</strong> academy’s first decades. Russia’s<br />

famous ‘Newtonian-Wolffian’ confrontations over subjects like gravitation and vis viva may be seen to wax and wane in tandem with<br />

developments in <strong>the</strong> arts, and cannot be fully understood outside <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se developments.<br />

Ca<strong>the</strong>rine Lee Westfall, Argonne National Laboratory (cwestfall@anl.gov)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

When Little Plays Big: Fifty Years <strong>of</strong> Mössbauer Spectroscopy at Argonne<br />

Using illegally obtained radioactive materials, a turntable employing teeth wheels from Heidelberg’s mechanical toy shops, and o<strong>the</strong>r minimal<br />

equipment available in post World War II Germany, in 1959 Rudolf Mössbauer announced that an atomic nucleus in a crystal does<br />

not recoil when it emits a low energy gamma ray and provides <strong>the</strong> entire energy to <strong>the</strong> gamma ray. This result would lead to a Nobel<br />

Prize for Mössbauer in 1961 and a highly productive line <strong>of</strong> inquiry in fields as diverse as physics, biology, and geology that continues<br />

today. Mössbauer spectroscopy is distinct from work most <strong>of</strong>ten investigated by historians <strong>of</strong> recent science because for decades – well<br />

into <strong>the</strong> era <strong>of</strong> so called “Big <strong>Science</strong>” it was cutting edge science that used small, inexpensive equipment. Since 1980 it has been used<br />

by condensed matter physicists at some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world’s largest accelerators including Argonne National Laboratory’s Advance Photon<br />

Source. However, this work is significantly different from <strong>the</strong> accelerator based nuclear and high energy projects that are better known<br />

to historians. Using <strong>the</strong> extensive literature on collaboration in large-scale research as a starting point, this paper will explore fifty years


<strong>of</strong> Mössbauer spectroscopy at Argonne in search for answers to <strong>the</strong> following questions: What are <strong>the</strong> incentives for collaboration when<br />

<strong>the</strong>re is no need to fund expensive apparatus? How does international multidisciplinary collaboration play out over time when it is not<br />

driven by financial considerations? What role do <strong>the</strong> “Homes <strong>of</strong> Big <strong>Science</strong>” (<strong>the</strong> U.S. national labs) play in <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> smallscale<br />

research? And finally, should accelerator-based Mössbauer research be thought <strong>of</strong> as “Big <strong>Science</strong>”?<br />

Peter J. Westwick, Caltech (westwick@hss.caltech.edu)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

Remobilizing for Defense in <strong>the</strong> 1980s: The Case <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jet Propulsion Lab<br />

In <strong>the</strong> late 1970s <strong>the</strong> Jet Propulsion Lab (JPL), a NASA center run by Caltech, perceived eroding support for its main mission in planetary<br />

exploration. In response, JPL pursued new sponsors in <strong>the</strong> military. The military buildup at <strong>the</strong> time included a strong space component,<br />

and JPL specialized in survivable spacecraft, remote sensing, data telemetry, and image processing all subjects <strong>of</strong> interest to<br />

national security programs. JPL managers could thus satisfy a national priority, and at <strong>the</strong> same time serve <strong>the</strong>ir own institutional interests<br />

by supporting key staff with defense funding. They thus reversed <strong>the</strong> usual scientists-on-tap argument for government-funded labs,<br />

namely that scientific research would keep technical people available for defense programs; instead JPL undertook defense work to keep<br />

technical staff on tap for future diversion to scientific programs. The resumption <strong>of</strong> defense work, however, came in a very different<br />

climate from <strong>the</strong> mobilization <strong>of</strong> scientists and engineers in <strong>the</strong> early Cold War, including JPL’s own work under <strong>the</strong> Army before 1958,<br />

and it would have to overcome anti-military sentiment, at <strong>the</strong> lab and on <strong>the</strong> Caltech campus, spawned by <strong>the</strong> Vietnam War and <strong>the</strong> Cold<br />

War arms race. After intense debate over <strong>the</strong> morality <strong>of</strong> military research and <strong>the</strong> effects <strong>of</strong> classification, Caltech approved defense<br />

work at JPL. Subsequent debates over JPL’s work for <strong>the</strong> Strategic Defense Initiative likewise ended in approval. Despite changing<br />

social contexts, practical accommodation continued to overcome principled protests, and scientists and engineers proved willing once<br />

again to mobilize for <strong>the</strong> military.<br />

Paul White, University <strong>of</strong> Cambridge (psw24@cam.ac.uk)<br />

Saturday, 20-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom IV<br />

Darwin’s Correspondence and <strong>the</strong> Imperial Archive<br />

If Darwin has been regarded as a collector this has usually been with respect to his beloved beetles or Galapagos finches. Yet in <strong>the</strong><br />

years leading up to <strong>the</strong> publication <strong>of</strong> Descent <strong>of</strong> Man (<strong>18</strong>71), Darwin ga<strong>the</strong>red materials on human form and expression from correpondents<br />

throughout <strong>the</strong> British dominions, <strong>the</strong> Americas, and <strong>the</strong> Far East. This paper will explore <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> his correspondence as<br />

a medium <strong>of</strong> collection and as a means <strong>of</strong> transforming local peoples into exhibits <strong>of</strong> human evolution.<br />

Greg Whitesides, University <strong>of</strong> California, Santa Barbara (jgw@umail.ucsb.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

Manufacturing Faith: The Industry at <strong>the</strong> Intersection <strong>of</strong> American <strong>Science</strong> and Spirituality<br />

Since <strong>the</strong> 1970s, developments in genetics, neuroscience, alternative medicine, and ecology have engaged scientific, religious, and environmental<br />

communities in dialogue over issues <strong>of</strong> science policy and practice. By <strong>the</strong> 1990s, commentators spoke <strong>of</strong> a new religion and<br />

science “dialogue,” but <strong>the</strong> movement was more than just dialogue. Institutions were created, educational programs established, and scientific<br />

research funded and undertaken. In short, an “industry,” spanning numerous fields, was built. Today, this industry is part <strong>of</strong><br />

American culture and essential to those groups looking to participate in science policy debates, disseminate <strong>the</strong>ir interpretation <strong>of</strong> science<br />

to <strong>the</strong> public, and inform <strong>the</strong> practice <strong>of</strong> American science and medicine. This paper provides a model <strong>of</strong> this industry by dividing<br />

<strong>the</strong> participants and organizations into five basic “affiliations:” 1) Scientific Outreach (e.g. <strong>the</strong> National Institutes <strong>of</strong> Health Ethics,<br />

Legal and Social Implications program or <strong>the</strong> American Association for <strong>the</strong> Advancement <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong> Dialogue on <strong>Science</strong>, Ethics, and<br />

Religion); 2) Religious Outreach (e.g. <strong>the</strong> Presbyterian Assembly for <strong>Science</strong>, Technology and <strong>the</strong> Christian Faith or <strong>the</strong> Catholic<br />

Committee on <strong>Science</strong> and Human Values); 3) <strong>Science</strong> and Religion “Pr<strong>of</strong>essionals” (e.g. <strong>the</strong> Center for Theology and <strong>the</strong> Natural<br />

<strong>Science</strong>s or <strong>the</strong> John Templeton Foundation); 4) Scientific Esotericism (e.g. SETI, Health & Spirituality, Institute on Noetic <strong>Science</strong>s);<br />

5) Religious Esotericism (e.g. Discovery Institute and Institute for Creation Research or Transhumanism and Ec<strong>of</strong>eminism). The industry<br />

has three main activities. First, a few participants conduct research in parapsychology, spirituality and health, immortality, extraterrestrial<br />

life, and genetic enhancement. O<strong>the</strong>rs attempt to influence science policy, particularly genetic science policy, through bioethics.<br />

Finally, <strong>the</strong> industry helps shape American spirituality by providing competing interpretations <strong>of</strong> contemporary sciences. Combining<br />

<strong>the</strong>se various perspectives reveals a unique glimpse into an industry critical to <strong>the</strong> assimilation <strong>of</strong> science in American culture and <strong>the</strong><br />

manufacture <strong>of</strong> American science and spirituality.<br />

Chen-Pang Yeang, Massachusetts Institute <strong>of</strong> Technology (cpyeang@mit.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Texas Ballroom II<br />

Toward a <strong>Science</strong> <strong>of</strong> Noise<br />

This paper examines how noise evolved from an annoying matter <strong>of</strong> fact in engineers’ experience into a scientific concept. Radio engineers<br />

had been troubled by “tube noise,” disturbances at <strong>the</strong> output <strong>of</strong> vacuum-tube circuits, and had attributed its cause to tubes’<br />

defects. After <strong>the</strong> mid-1910s, however, physicists began to understand noise in terms <strong>of</strong> fundamental physical laws. In 19<strong>18</strong>, Walter


Schottky at Siemens & Hauske in Berlin argued that <strong>the</strong> discrete nature <strong>of</strong> electrons results in disruptive fluctuations”shot noise”at tube<br />

current. In 1925, John B. Johnson and Harry Nyquist at <strong>the</strong> Bell Telephone Laboratories also suggested that <strong>the</strong> current passing a resistor<br />

exhibits fluctuations “<strong>the</strong>rmal noise”-due to electrons’ random <strong>the</strong>rmal motions, and tube noise is largely <strong>the</strong>rmal noise <strong>of</strong> tube’s<br />

input resistance. Based on statistical-mechanical reasoning, <strong>the</strong> shot-noise and <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>rmal-noise <strong>the</strong>ories predicted relationships<br />

between noise intensity and fundamental constants such as electron’s charge or Boltzmann’s constant, which became <strong>the</strong> objects <strong>of</strong><br />

experimental verification. General Electric researchers Albert Hull and N. W. Williams’s determination <strong>of</strong> charge <strong>of</strong> electron from measuring<br />

shot noise and Johnson’s determination <strong>of</strong> Boltzmann’s constant from measuring <strong>the</strong>rmal noise <strong>of</strong>fered major empirical evidence<br />

for noise’s physical <strong>the</strong>ories. By <strong>the</strong> 1930s, radio engineers used such <strong>the</strong>ories to reduce and to characterize vacuum tubes’ noise levels,<br />

and to predict <strong>the</strong> ultimate limit <strong>of</strong> electronic devices’ performances. The statistical treatments <strong>of</strong> noise in <strong>the</strong>se endeavors would lead<br />

to Claude Shannon’s information <strong>the</strong>ory in <strong>the</strong> 1940s that revolutionized modern communication technology. The history <strong>of</strong> noise<br />

<strong>the</strong>refore sheds light on how modern science and engineering extract useful information from uncertainties and disturbances while controlling<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir detrimental effects.<br />

Charles N Yood, Lyman Briggs School <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong>, Michigan State University (cny1@psu.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country C<br />

Building Big Iron: Applied Ma<strong>the</strong>matics, “Hybrid Areas”<br />

and <strong>the</strong> Social Organization <strong>of</strong> Computational <strong>Science</strong> at Argonne National Laboratory, 1949-1970<br />

From 1949-1970, <strong>the</strong> work and organization <strong>of</strong> Argonne’s Applied Ma<strong>the</strong>matics Division contributed significantly to <strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong><br />

“computational science” in <strong>the</strong> late 1980s as a distinct methodological approach to <strong>the</strong> investigation <strong>of</strong> physical and biological phenomena<br />

(alongside <strong>the</strong>ory and experiment). While <strong>the</strong> advancement <strong>of</strong> digital computer technology is a significant part <strong>of</strong> this story, possibly<br />

more important was <strong>the</strong> AMD’s efforts to integrate computers and <strong>the</strong>ir attendant personnel into <strong>the</strong> scientific process. Early on,<br />

<strong>the</strong> directors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> AMD envisioned a new role for applied ma<strong>the</strong>maticians vis-à-vis scientists and engineers in <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong><br />

ma<strong>the</strong>matical models suitable for digital computers. In particular, <strong>the</strong> pursuit <strong>of</strong> “computational science” required that applied ma<strong>the</strong>maticians<br />

be incorporated more directly in all stages <strong>of</strong> science and engineering practices from problem formulation to <strong>the</strong> definition<br />

<strong>of</strong> what constituted a solution. Arguments in favor <strong>of</strong> such a collaborative structure drew on Cold War rhetoric, debates within <strong>the</strong><br />

ma<strong>the</strong>matical pr<strong>of</strong>ession, and issues surrounding <strong>the</strong> increasing quantification <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sciences. While computers (and <strong>the</strong> need for<br />

sophisticated, yet efficient ma<strong>the</strong>matical models) allowed applied ma<strong>the</strong>maticians to contend for such a position, it was also necessary<br />

for applied ma<strong>the</strong>maticians to stake out a new research agenda that balanced <strong>the</strong>ir service requirement to scientists and engineers with<br />

<strong>the</strong> necessity to conduct research in <strong>the</strong> foundations <strong>of</strong> ma<strong>the</strong>matics.<br />

Chris Young, Alverno College (chris.young@alverno.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Texas Ballroom VII<br />

Status and Agenda in Wildlife Preservation: William T. Hornaday as Zoologist and Activist<br />

William T. Hornaday led wildlife conservation efforts in <strong>the</strong> late 19th century. His training in zoology provided a basis for setting national<br />

agendas at a time when conservation was only an emerging concern. Being in <strong>the</strong> mainstream <strong>of</strong> biological science a <strong>the</strong> turn <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

century and particularly having interests in conservation <strong>of</strong> wildlife, Hornaday also demonstrated consistent support for eugenic notions<br />

<strong>of</strong> human groups and <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> preserving favored groups over o<strong>the</strong>rs. The consistency <strong>of</strong> this agenda raises challenging questions<br />

about broader connections between conservation <strong>of</strong> wildlife and eugenics, which historians <strong>of</strong> science have only begun to explore.<br />

In this paper, I am especially interested in how Hornaday’s status as a leader in conservation provided greater status to his eugenic views,<br />

whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> reverse association was more significant, or whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> connection can even be demonstrated as significant to ei<strong>the</strong>r<br />

approach. Finally, I am exploring what legacy <strong>of</strong> eugenics, if any, carries forward in conservation efforts to <strong>the</strong> middle <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twentieth<br />

century, by which time Aldo Leopold ranked as a leading voice.<br />

Jeris Stueland Yruma, Princeton University (stueland@princeton.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 1:30 - 3:10 PM - Hill Country D<br />

How Experiments are Remembered: Discovery, Discipline, and <strong>the</strong> Birth <strong>of</strong> Fission<br />

The story <strong>of</strong> fission begins with facts: in December <strong>of</strong> 1938, in Berlin, Otto Hahn and Fritz Strassmann demonstrated chemically that<br />

some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> uranium atoms <strong>the</strong>y had bombarded with neutrons had split into various elements, including barium. Hahn and<br />

Strassmann’s colleague, Lise Meitnerin Sweden having recently fled Nazi Germany and her nephew Otto Frisch <strong>the</strong>n <strong>of</strong>fered a physical<br />

explanation for <strong>the</strong> process and Frisch christened it “nuclear fission.” From here, though, <strong>the</strong> story is contested. Otto Hahn alone was<br />

awarded <strong>the</strong> Nobel Prize for <strong>the</strong> discovery. He would later argue that until her flight, Lise Meitner’s physical mindset had prevented him<br />

from realizing that fission was taking place in <strong>the</strong>ir experiments. Historians in turn have argued <strong>the</strong> presentation <strong>of</strong> fission as a chemical<br />

discovery facilitated physicist Meitner’s being written out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> story. An examination <strong>of</strong> newspaper and journal articles on fission,<br />

however, suggests that <strong>the</strong> presentation <strong>of</strong> fission as a chemical discovery necessitates <strong>the</strong> presentation <strong>of</strong> its physical explanation as<br />

well. When Hahn is called a “chemist,” Meitner as physicist is mentioned. When Hahn is termed a “scientist,” he, or he and Strassmann<br />

alone are discussed.


David E. Zitarelli, Temple University (zit@temple.edu)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 3:30 - 5:30 PM - Hill Country D<br />

The Moore-Kline Correspondence: A Portrait <strong>of</strong> Two Ma<strong>the</strong>maticians<br />

R. L. Moore (<strong>18</strong>82-1974) was one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> towering figures in American ma<strong>the</strong>matics during <strong>the</strong> first half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twentieth century.<br />

During forty-nine years <strong>of</strong> teaching at <strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong> Texas he developed what has come to be called “<strong>the</strong> Moore Method,” one <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> most successful ways to train students to become creative research ma<strong>the</strong>maticians. His first doctoral student, J. R. Kline (<strong>18</strong>92-<br />

1955), developed into a leading ma<strong>the</strong>matician at Pennsylvania. This talk will describe <strong>the</strong> picture <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se two influential ma<strong>the</strong>maticians<br />

that emerges from <strong>the</strong>ir voluminous correspondence stored at <strong>the</strong> Center for American <strong>History</strong> and <strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong><br />

Pennsylvania. Connections with o<strong>the</strong>r leading ma<strong>the</strong>maticians in <strong>the</strong> R. L. Moore School in <strong>Austin</strong> (1920-1955) will also be highlighted,<br />

including some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first international contacts for Americans with <strong>the</strong>ir German and Polish counterparts in <strong>the</strong> 1920s.<br />

Benjamin Zulueta, California State University, Channel Islands (benzulueta@yahoo.com)<br />

Friday, 19-Nov-04, 9:00 - 11:45 AM - Hill Country B<br />

People <strong>of</strong> <strong>Science</strong>: American-Educated Chinese and <strong>the</strong> “Cold War <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Classrooms”<br />

As students <strong>of</strong> Chinese immigration history have long known, post-World War II American needs for scientific and technological manpower<br />

opened <strong>the</strong> door to <strong>the</strong> immigration <strong>of</strong> thousands <strong>of</strong> highly-educated Chinese during <strong>the</strong> 1950s. Known to historians as <strong>the</strong><br />

“stranded students,” many had come to <strong>the</strong> US for advanced studies in <strong>the</strong> natural sciences, engineering, or medicine, intending to return<br />

to China to contribute to <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir homeland. The onset <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Cold War and <strong>the</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> People’s<br />

Republic <strong>of</strong> China in 1949 produced fundamental changes in <strong>the</strong>ir plans. Indeed, <strong>the</strong>ir concentration in fields <strong>of</strong> broad national security<br />

import provided <strong>the</strong> rationale for <strong>of</strong>ficial American efforts to encourage <strong>the</strong>m to stay in <strong>the</strong> US, formally adjust <strong>the</strong>ir statuses, and<br />

become permanent residents <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> United States. The experiences <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> stranded students represent only one component <strong>of</strong> Chinese<br />

intellectual immigration during <strong>the</strong> early Cold War, however. Ano<strong>the</strong>r cohort <strong>of</strong> highly-educated Chinese immigrated to <strong>the</strong> United<br />

States during <strong>the</strong> 1950s, but as actual migrants ra<strong>the</strong>r than as status adjusters. They immigrated through <strong>the</strong> good <strong>of</strong>fices <strong>of</strong> Aid Refugee<br />

Chinese Intellectuals, Inc. (ARCI), a private American refugee relief organization established in 1952 by Americans concerned about<br />

reports <strong>of</strong> a developing refugee crisis in Hong Kong, and especially about <strong>the</strong> plight <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> highly-educated among <strong>the</strong> refugees. ARCI<br />

was not simply a refugee relief organization; its program articulated a broad vision <strong>of</strong> safeguarding US national security that combined<br />

concerns about <strong>the</strong> individual potentials <strong>of</strong> science, migration, and race to affect <strong>the</strong> outcome <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> superpower struggle. Imbuing <strong>the</strong><br />

“minds” in <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>t-cited struggle for “hearts and minds” in <strong>the</strong> developing world with an added valence, contemporaneous observers<br />

labeled this combined Cold War front <strong>the</strong> “Battle for Brainpower,” or <strong>the</strong> “Cold War <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Classrooms.” In this paper, I describe <strong>the</strong><br />

evolution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> idea <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “Cold War <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Classrooms,” and locate ARCI’s formation, rhetoric, and activities within it.

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