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Witness to Abuse - Human Rights Watch

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combination with having worked in the same place or attended the same mosque as a<br />

September 11 hijacker, gone <strong>to</strong> college parties with an accused terrorism suspect,<br />

possessed a copy of Time magazine with Osama bin Laden on the cover, or had the same<br />

common last name as a September 11 hijacker. In some cases, the government’s<br />

argument for flight risk even acknowledged that the witnesses were in fact criminal<br />

suspects—prosecu<strong>to</strong>rs contended that witnesses must be incarcerated because of the<br />

magnitude of the crime <strong>to</strong> which they were connected, or because they presented a<br />

“danger <strong>to</strong> the community.”<br />

Faced with prosecu<strong>to</strong>rs invoking grand jury powers and national security concerns,<br />

federal courts have done little <strong>to</strong> protect the material witnesses. We are not aware of a<br />

single case in which a court rejected a request for a material witness arrest warrant in a<br />

terrorism-related case since September 11. Indeed, our research suggests the courts<br />

rarely even probed the government’s grounds for believing a witness would not comply<br />

with a subpoena <strong>to</strong> testify. The courts approved arrest warrants even for witnesses with<br />

strong family ties in the U.S. and who had met with the Federal Bureau of Investigation<br />

(FBI) voluntarily, consented <strong>to</strong> searches and polygraphs—even gone <strong>to</strong> the FBI with a<br />

tip. With little scrutiny of the government’s claims, the courts also routinely ordered the<br />

incarceration of witnesses as flight risks and rarely asked whether alternatives <strong>to</strong><br />

imprisonment might suffice.<br />

Forty-two of the seventy material witnesses identified during the research for this report<br />

were ultimately released without any charges filed against them. Seven were charged with<br />

providing material support <strong>to</strong> terrorist organizations; as of May 2005, four had been<br />

convicted, and the other three were awaiting trial. Another twenty witnesses were<br />

charged with non-terrorist-related crimes, such as bank or credit card fraud or making<br />

false statements <strong>to</strong> the FBI. Twenty-four were deported. Two of the seventy were<br />

designated “enemy combatants”; they were removed from the criminal justice system,<br />

turned over <strong>to</strong> the Department of Defense, and, as of this writing, remain held without<br />

charges in solitary confinement in military brigs.<br />

The U.S. government apologized <strong>to</strong> at least thirteen material witnesses for wrongfully<br />

detaining them. It should apologize <strong>to</strong> many more. But apologies are poor compensation<br />

for loss of liberty, as well as the emotional <strong>to</strong>ll that incarceration has had on the<br />

detainees and their families. <strong>Witness</strong>es were traumatized by being held in solitary<br />

confinement with no understanding of why they were there; they were allowed limited, if<br />

any, contact with their wives and children; and they often were subjected <strong>to</strong> taunts and<br />

sometimes even physical abuse by their guards. Their families were traumatized as<br />

well—fearful for the fate of their husbands, sons, and fathers, and hounded by the<br />

media. The witnesses’ highly public arrests and the government’s suggestions that they<br />

5 HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH VOL. 17, NO. 2(G)

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