Return to War - Human Rights Watch
Return to War - Human Rights Watch Return to War - Human Rights Watch
A mass grave for the victims of the LTTE’s June 15, 2006 landmine attack on a civilian bus that killed 67 people. © 2006 Q. Sakamaki/Redux Human Rights Watch has long documented abuses by the LTTE, particularly the LTTE’s systematic recruitment and use of children as soldiers, the targeted killings of political opponents, and its abusive fundraising tactics abroad. 2 We will continue to report on LTTE abuses and press the LTTE to change its practices. This report, however, focuses primarily on abuses by the Sri Lankan government and allied armed groups, which have gotten decidedly worse over the past year. As the hostilities have increased, the government’s respect for international law has sharply declined, with it often appearing indifferent to the impact on civilians in the north and east. This report does not aim to be a comprehensive account. Rather, it highlights with examples the main areas of concern, from violations of the laws of war and 2 See Human Rights Watch, Funding the Final War: LTTE Intimidation and Extortion in the Tamil Diaspora, vol. 18, no. 1(C), March 2006, http://hrw.org/reports/2006/ltte0306/; Human Rights Watch, Living in Fear: Child Soldiers and the Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka, vol. 16, no. 13(C), November 2004, http://hrw.org/reports/2004/srilanka1104/; “Sri Lanka: New Killings Threaten Ceasefire,” Human Rights Watch news release, July 28, 2004, http://hrw.org/english/docs/2004/07/27/slanka9153.htm. 3 Human Rights Watch August 2007
extrajudicial killings to unlawful restrictions on the media and nongovernmental organizations and the widespread impunity enjoyed by state security forces. It uses victim and eyewitness accounts to document indiscriminate attacks on civilians, the forced return of internally displaced persons, and the spate of arrests and “disappearances” by government forces and allied groups. Case studies reveal how the rights to freedom of expression and association are increasingly under threat from a government intolerant of criticism and dissent. Ethnic Tamils have suffered the brunt of abuses, but members of the Muslim and majority Sinhalese populations have also been victims of government rights violations. Sri Lanka’s defense establishment is particularly responsible for abuses. The security forces have driven policy on the ethnic conflict since President Mahinda Rajapaksa was elected in November 2005, led by the president’s influential brother, Defense Secretary Gothabaya Rajapaksa. After an LTTE attempt on the defense secretary’s life, the government expanded draconian Emergency Regulations, in place from the previous government, that grant the security forces sweeping powers of detention and arrest. The government has used counterterror legislation against journalists who expose human rights abuses, official corruption, or otherwise question the government’s handling of the conflict with the LTTE. Even top government officials have expressed concern. In a private letter to President Rajapaksa on December 13, 2006, then-Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera warned that the government must do more to address the deterioration of human rights. Leaked to the press after Samaraweera was sacked, the letter noted “persistent reports about alleged abductions and extra-judicial killings attributed to government forces as well as the [allied] Karuna faction and the LTTE” in areas controlled by both the government and the LTTE. “Whether or not these were committed by terrorist groups or government agencies,” Samaraweera wrote, “it is the responsibility of the government to investigate and prosecute the perpetrators in keeping with Sri Lanka’s treaty commitments.” He added, “Even when fighting a ruthless terrorist group like the LTTE, the Government must not be Return to War 4
- Page 1 and 2: Sri Lanka Return to War Human Right
- Page 3 and 4: Karuna group ......................
- Page 5: I. Summary What I am saying is, if
- Page 9 and 10: 2002. Since January 2006 more than
- Page 11 and 12: against them, and list the location
- Page 13 and 14: Emergency Regulations (372 Tamils,
- Page 15 and 16: The mother of an abducted boy from
- Page 17 and 18: disappearances. The police released
- Page 19 and 20: commission, highlighting examples o
- Page 21 and 22: Methodology This report is based pr
- Page 23 and 24: discriminating against Tamils in th
- Page 25 and 26: intimidation to force civilians who
- Page 27 and 28: International humanitarian law proh
- Page 29 and 30: in which an LTTE cadre shot and kil
- Page 31 and 32: the Savukady camp in Batticaloa to
- Page 33 and 34: they would no longer be responsible
- Page 35 and 36: In mid-May the government began a n
- Page 37 and 38: On May 29, UNHCR commented on the g
- Page 39 and 40: Grama Niladari Divisions (the small
- Page 41 and 42: The salvos landed in and around the
- Page 43 and 44: didn’t take him to the hospital b
- Page 45 and 46: While describing the loss of civili
- Page 47 and 48: saw no weapons, no bunkers or artil
- Page 49 and 50: V. Enforced Disappearances and Abdu
- Page 51 and 52: months of 2007. 84 A government com
- Page 53 and 54: In one illustrative case documented
- Page 55 and 56: The Valvettiturai police registered
extrajudicial killings <strong>to</strong> unlawful restrictions on the media and nongovernmental<br />
organizations and the widespread impunity enjoyed by state security forces. It uses<br />
victim and eyewitness accounts <strong>to</strong> document indiscriminate attacks on civilians, the<br />
forced return of internally displaced persons, and the spate of arrests and<br />
“disappearances” by government forces and allied groups. Case studies reveal how<br />
the rights <strong>to</strong> freedom of expression and association are increasingly under threat<br />
from a government in<strong>to</strong>lerant of criticism and dissent. Ethnic Tamils have suffered<br />
the brunt of abuses, but members of the Muslim and majority Sinhalese populations<br />
have also been victims of government rights violations.<br />
Sri Lanka’s defense establishment is particularly responsible for abuses. The<br />
security forces have driven policy on the ethnic conflict since President Mahinda<br />
Rajapaksa was elected in November 2005, led by the president’s influential brother,<br />
Defense Secretary Gothabaya Rajapaksa. After an LTTE attempt on the defense<br />
secretary’s life, the government expanded draconian Emergency Regulations, in<br />
place from the previous government, that grant the security forces sweeping powers<br />
of detention and arrest. The government has used counterterror legislation against<br />
journalists who expose human rights abuses, official corruption, or otherwise<br />
question the government’s handling of the conflict with the LTTE.<br />
Even <strong>to</strong>p government officials have expressed concern. In a private letter <strong>to</strong><br />
President Rajapaksa on December 13, 2006, then-Foreign Minister Mangala<br />
Samaraweera warned that the government must do more <strong>to</strong> address the<br />
deterioration of human rights. Leaked <strong>to</strong> the press after Samaraweera was sacked,<br />
the letter noted “persistent reports about alleged abductions and extra-judicial<br />
killings attributed <strong>to</strong> government forces as well as the [allied] Karuna faction and the<br />
LTTE” in areas controlled by both the government and the LTTE. “Whether or not<br />
these were committed by terrorist groups or government agencies,” Samaraweera<br />
wrote, “it is the responsibility of the government <strong>to</strong> investigate and prosecute the<br />
perpetra<strong>to</strong>rs in keeping with Sri Lanka’s treaty commitments.” He added, “Even<br />
when fighting a ruthless terrorist group like the LTTE, the Government must not be<br />
<strong>Return</strong> <strong>to</strong> <strong>War</strong> 4
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