Construal operations in semantic change: the case of abstract nouns

Construal operations in semantic change: the case of abstract nouns Construal operations in semantic change: the case of abstract nouns

10.01.2014 Views

The example in (2) illustrates the profile-base-relation inherent in the semantics of tillfälle. Here the base (marked with capitals) is explicitly referred to as a number of temporally sequential events, bound to a sequence of points in time, out of which a particular point of time is profiled by the noun phrase ett tillfälle ‘one occasion’. (2) Vid ett tillfälle UNDER MÄTNINGARNA bröts strömmen. 5 at one occasion DURING MEASUREMENTS.THE switched.off.PASS current.the One one occasion DURING THE MEASUREMENTS the current was switched off. In (3) however, the meaning of the particular event is focused, at the cost of temporal meaning. Note that the point of time (September the 28 th ) is explicitly stated and consequently not focused in the use of the noun. As shown in Fig. 2, the event corresponds to the TR (in boldface) and the point of time to the LM (underlined). (3) Detta historiska tillfälle inträffar den 28 september. this historic event occurs the 28 th September This historic event will occur the 28 th of September. The meaning in (3) thus represents an interchanged TR-LM-relation within the profiled region compared to the one in Fig. 1, namely: Profile E/TR PT/LM Time Base Fig. 2. The schematic structure of ‘event’. 5 The – sometimes slightly manipulated – examples are mainly taken from a computerized corpus named SUC/LBAB (see Järborg 1999.) 50

A further step from the “pure” temporal meaning is when tillfälle corresponds to ‘opportunity’: (4) bereda någon tillfälle att framföra sina synpunkter give someone opportunity to express his/her views to give someone opportunity to express his/her views This meaning assumes – just as the meaning ‘occasion’ – a course of time, which includes a specific point of time when the possible event may be realized. In other words, the relation between the elements hosted within the profile is the same as in the temporal meaning but the setting is virtual instead of actual. 6 In Fig. 3, the virtual setting is represented by broken lines. Profile E/TR PT/LM Time Base Fig. 3. The schematic structure of ‘opportunity’. Summarizing, the synchronic meaning category of tillfälle includes the meanings ‘occasion’, ‘event’, and ‘opportunity’. ‘Event’ is related to ‘occasion’ through change of focus within the profile. The meaning ‘opportunity’ instead retains the relation between ‘point of time’ and ‘event’ as profiled by the temporal meaning but changes the setting of the relation. Note that whereas ‘opportunity’ intuitively is a separate sense 7 , the temporal and the eventive meanings are rather variants of the same sense. As I have argued ‘occasion’ and ‘event’ in fact presuppose each other (and are often difficult to separate in actual use). In other words, they seem to be different 6 Setting is defined as a “global, inclusive region within which an event unfolds or a situation 7 obtains” (Langacker 1991:553). “Meaning” is used as a superordinate term, not distinguishing between contextually triggered interpretations and well-entrenched lexical meaning variants (“senses”). 51

The example <strong>in</strong> (2) illustrates <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>ile-base-relation <strong>in</strong>herent <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>semantic</strong>s<br />

<strong>of</strong> tillfälle. Here <strong>the</strong> base (marked with capitals) is explicitly referred to as a<br />

number <strong>of</strong> temporally sequential events, bound to a sequence <strong>of</strong> po<strong>in</strong>ts <strong>in</strong> time,<br />

out <strong>of</strong> which a particular po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>of</strong> time is pr<strong>of</strong>iled by <strong>the</strong> noun phrase ett tillfälle<br />

‘one occasion’.<br />

(2) Vid ett tillfälle UNDER MÄTNINGARNA bröts strömmen. 5<br />

at one occasion DURING MEASUREMENTS.THE switched.<strong>of</strong>f.PASS current.<strong>the</strong><br />

One one occasion DURING THE MEASUREMENTS <strong>the</strong> current was switched<br />

<strong>of</strong>f.<br />

In (3) however, <strong>the</strong> mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> particular event is focused, at <strong>the</strong> cost <strong>of</strong><br />

temporal mean<strong>in</strong>g. Note that <strong>the</strong> po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>of</strong> time (September <strong>the</strong> 28 th ) is explicitly<br />

stated and consequently not focused <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> noun. As shown <strong>in</strong> Fig. 2,<br />

<strong>the</strong> event corresponds to <strong>the</strong> TR (<strong>in</strong> boldface) and <strong>the</strong> po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>of</strong> time to <strong>the</strong> LM<br />

(underl<strong>in</strong>ed).<br />

(3) Detta historiska tillfälle <strong>in</strong>träffar den 28 september.<br />

this historic event occurs <strong>the</strong> 28 th September<br />

This historic event will occur <strong>the</strong> 28 th <strong>of</strong> September.<br />

The mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> (3) thus represents an <strong>in</strong>ter<strong>change</strong>d TR-LM-relation with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

pr<strong>of</strong>iled region compared to <strong>the</strong> one <strong>in</strong> Fig. 1, namely:<br />

Pr<strong>of</strong>ile<br />

E/TR<br />

PT/LM<br />

Time<br />

Base<br />

Fig. 2. The schematic structure <strong>of</strong> ‘event’.<br />

5<br />

The – sometimes slightly manipulated – examples are ma<strong>in</strong>ly taken from a computerized<br />

corpus named SUC/LBAB (see Järborg 1999.)<br />

50

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!