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Strategies of Differentiation: Two Generations of Early 20th-Century Finnish<br />

Women Artists in the Light of Their Press Photographs<br />

<strong>Tutta</strong> <strong>Palin</strong><br />

This paper presents one facet of a larger ongoing project in which I explore the authorial<br />

strategies and conditions of survival of some reasonably successful women artists active in<br />

Finland from the 1920s through to the 1950s, during a time when the local artworld and media<br />

environment were undergoing a somewhat staggering process of modernisation. With artists I<br />

am here mainly referring to painters, sculptors and graphic artists, and my perspective links<br />

me to feminist authorship studies and modernist studies.<br />

Finland’s independence in the year 1917 had been followed by a short but fierce internal war<br />

between the so-called reds and whites, and partly due to these circumstances the official art<br />

institutions where, for quite a while, in the hands of particularly conservative male agents<br />

whose nationalistic agenda hardly implicated women at all. There were, however, other<br />

possibilities of career enhancement, such as the only just emerging commercial art market and<br />

private foundations and, in the first place I would say, the quickly expanding field of daily and<br />

weekly press, together with some yearbooks and other more specialised art periodicals. It is<br />

almost as if women were forced into more flexible and “modern” professional strategies and<br />

forms of self promotion.<br />

Of particular interest are the press photographs of two artists, one of them Ester Helenius<br />

(1875–1955), a painter of an older generation, and the other a sculptor of a younger generation<br />

called Essi Renvall (1911–1979), who both embraced the possibilities of the new forms of<br />

journalism centred around exceptional individuals and their life styles and visual appearances.<br />

According to the evidence of some private letters, Helenius at least actively sought the<br />

attention of the press. What I find particularly interesting is that at this point, this kind of<br />

conflation of popular attention, visuality and femaleness did not compromise the professional<br />

credibility of the women in the same way as it did in the latter part of the century. This<br />

happened to Essi Renvall herself when she gained prominent patrons in President Kekkonen’s<br />

Finland and appeared increasingly in the women’s magazines. As she launched her career in<br />

the middle of the 1930s she was, however, very warmly welcomed by art critics, both male<br />

and female. Their instant appreciativeness is surprising in comparison with the way Helenius<br />

only made a breakthrough in her fifties in the late 1920s.<br />

I am speaking of press or publicity photos instead of photojournalism since it seems that many<br />

of the portraits were privately commissioned studio photographs circulated by the artists<br />

themselves, or by their carefully chosen employees. In the 1920s and 1930s studio portraits, of<br />

women in particular, were, in fact, frequently used in the illustrated press. The very same<br />

images recur on different fora, and a few of them are visibly signed by well-known<br />

portraitists. On the other hand, there are, towards the 1950s, some examples of fairly<br />

ambitious journalistic reportage. It is precisely the heterogeneity of the production and usage<br />

of the images that makes this phenomenon fascinating. The unstable journalistic practices<br />

regarding portraiture, between the rigid xylographic formulas of the 19 th century and the<br />

sumptuous colour illustrations of the late 20 th century, allowed the sitters an unusually<br />

decisive role in choosing and controlling their public representations. Which does not, of<br />

course, mean that they would have had a total control of their media images; no single agent<br />

had that kind of control. This makes it anyhow possible for me to decipher two different<br />

strategies of the self, corresponding to two different generations of women artists.


2<br />

Ester Helenius mainly used, in the journalistic context, very classical static portraits with<br />

neutral backgrounds and no conventional professional attributes, such as those by Ivar<br />

Helander (1895–1959), reserving more elaborate pictures taken in her own studio for her<br />

personal acquaintances and patrons. For her, quality came before quantity. In the published<br />

images, the selection of poses is scarce, the dress most often black. Many of the images have a<br />

Benjaminian ‘auratic’ presence, reminiscent of early photography. There is often pathos<br />

involved, and never humour. Photographs of her appeared mainly in the newspapers and in<br />

more specialised art books, less in the illustrated press.<br />

Essi Renvall, on the other hand, was much more agile and versatile in her self promotion. She<br />

did not seem to regulate her media image as rigorously as Helenius. In the late 1930s and<br />

1940s, portrait-like representations of Renvall, often at work in her elegant work attire,<br />

abound in both the daily and the illustrated press as well as yearbooks of fine art. The style of<br />

the images range from camera club type of “artistic” expression to especially made<br />

photoreportage, such as “Work and Smile” by the photographer and editor Börje Sandberg in<br />

the Kuva (Picture) magazine (5/1950), a magazine launched in 1937 following the concept of<br />

the British Picture Post. Interestingly enough, one of the images shows the artist’s signature<br />

as chiselled on a painted area of the glass door of her studio. The act of signing, and of<br />

positing the professional ‘logo’ against her bosom, documents a cheerful sense of humour on<br />

the part of the artist, lending at least part of the authorship to herself as the object of the gaze.<br />

Yet it is clear that the reportage is a collaboration involving voluntary posing/staging from the<br />

part of the sitter. The title “Work and Smile” in itself comments on her willingness to cooperate.<br />

At the beginning of her career Renvall, indeed, worked herself for some years for an<br />

advertising agency to support her growing family.<br />

In their method of mediation and dispersal and in their mode of address, i.e. in the energy and<br />

active mobility of her figure, Renvall’s strategies of the self can be read as more modern than<br />

those of Helenius. But when it comes to iconography, including the femininity of her female<br />

type, she hardly corresponds to the ideal of the new woman. Even though we see her working,<br />

she is willing to play with her professional integrity. In some specific contexts, she even<br />

agrees to leave the artist’s robe aside altogether and appear as a mother; an illustrative<br />

example can be found in the newspaper of a large co-operative organization (“Essi Renvall: a<br />

young talented sculptor”, Elanto 9.4.1943). Helenius on her part was a so-called independent,<br />

self-supporting woman (Finn. itsellinen nainen), a femme seule, who in her interviews always<br />

speaks as an artist whereas Renvall’s status as an artist’s spouse, before their divorce in 1944,<br />

was often underlined by the press. Since there are also illustrations of her sculptural work in<br />

the Elanto article, written by a woman, I read it as an articulation of the acutely modern<br />

problem of combining motherhood and professional life.<br />

I want to stress the fact that both of the strategies described were expressions of agency and<br />

professionalism, albeit in different ways. The point of this paper has been to shift the authorial<br />

status, or function, from the photographer and the photographic discourse to the sitters, in<br />

order not to see them as passive objects of a camera or a gaze, nor as just another locus in a<br />

network of meanings. It is, however, not an omnipotent authorship that I am delineating. The<br />

sitters represent just one instance of the usage of the images, and even in their case I can only<br />

detect the effects of their choices, not their intentions. What I am, anyhow, trying to do is to<br />

treat them as historical agents, i.e. actual people who do things and who somehow matter or<br />

have an effect on the surrounding world.


3<br />

References:<br />

Lindgren, Liisa, Kuvanveistäjän ateljee: studio, verstas ja maitopuoti. In: Taiteilija kuvassa.<br />

Suomalaisia kuvataiteilijoita valokuvissa 1864–2004, eds Erkki Anttonen, Elina Heikka, Otso<br />

Kantokorpi and Liisa Lindgren. Helsinki: Taide / Kuvataiteen keskusarkisto 2004, pp. 132–<br />

179.<br />

Nieminen, Raija, Essi Renvall. Nuori, lahjakas kuvanveistäjä, Elanto 28:7–8 (9.4.1943), pp.<br />

8–9.<br />

<strong>Palin</strong>, <strong>Tutta</strong>, Näkymättömät naiset 1904–36 eli mitä dukaattipalkinnot kertovat taiteilijanaisten<br />

arvostuksesta. In: Dukaatti. Suomen Taideyhdistys 1846–2006, ed. by Rakel Kallio. Helsinki:<br />

WSOY 2006. Pp. 128–139.<br />

Renvall, Essi, Nyrkit savessa. Helsinki: Weilin+Göös 1971.<br />

Työtä ja hymyä, Kuva 5/1950, p. 24.

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