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EMAP_2012_Report_6_1.pdf (7.3 MB) - The Heritage Council

EMAP_2012_Report_6_1.pdf (7.3 MB) - The Heritage Council

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together with the definite evidence for tablet weaving, offers a degree of mobility/flexibility in<br />

the location of these crafts, which again might minimise the evidence found on settlements.<br />

Contexts of textile-working<br />

It is possible that activities such as spinning and weaving were undertaken within or<br />

immediately adjacent to domestic structures, as these tasks were clean and relatively<br />

odourless. In contrast, it has been suggested that as dye-production was a dirty process, it<br />

was probably located in the industrial quarters away from the domestic area (Comber 2008,<br />

108). However, it is interesting in this regard that one of the sites with evidence for dogwhelk<br />

dyes, Dooey, also had evidence for spinning, weaving and sewing on site. Deer Park<br />

Farms (with evidence for woad plants) also showed evidence for textile production from initial<br />

processing to finishing stages.<br />

Proudfoot (1961) argued that weaving was an important element in the economy, but<br />

Comber (2008, 110) has queried this, arguing that the evidence instead suggests that not all<br />

sites were engaged in these activities, with only a select number supplying textiles to other<br />

sites in the early medieval period. This would appear to be borne out by the examination<br />

above, but further work is needed at the local level to identify particular networks of<br />

production and supply.<br />

In some instances where tools of textile working have been found in cemeteries or burials,<br />

these may not indicate actual crafts carried at the site, but rather grave goods consisting of<br />

the personal possessions of those interred there. Examples of this include Cloghermore Cave,<br />

Co. Kerry, where spindle whorls were included among apparent grave goods and also with<br />

pyre remains (Connolly et al. 2005) and Ratoath, where a needle was found in a juvenile’s<br />

burial (Wallace 2010, 305); broader examples of such finds from cemeteries, but not directly<br />

associated with individual burials, include Cloncowan II (Baker 2007, 71, 128-9). While such<br />

cases may be of use in looking at the gender of craftworkers, or indicating a person’s<br />

perceived social role and the importance of this particular aspect of their life and work, it is<br />

more difficult to link them specifically with textile working in the immediate area.<br />

Dyestuffs<br />

<strong>The</strong> production of dye could also be regarded as evidence relating to cloth manufacture,<br />

although the activities need not have taken place on the same site. <strong>The</strong> early texts provide<br />

information about bleaching and dyeing and indicate that the juices of plants such as<br />

blackberries or lichens may have been used in this process. One plant source mentioned<br />

several times in the texts is woad, which provides both blue and pink dyes; the laws indicate<br />

that women were responsible for the processing of woad (Kelly 1997, 266), and its status<br />

may be implied by the reference to the queen of Tara owning a garden of woad plants (Kelly<br />

1997, 265). <strong>The</strong> texts also suggest that there were taboos against the presence of men<br />

during this process, confirming that textile production was strongly the task of women in<br />

early Irish society (Kelly 1997, 449-50). Of 317 sites in the gazetteer, however, just five<br />

provided evidence of the presence (and presumably processing) of materials used as<br />

dyestuffs, namely dog-whelk (Dooey, Doonlaughan and Rathgurreen), woad (Deer Park<br />

Farms) and madder (Boho); many dyes obtained from vegetation would not, however, leave<br />

recognisable evidence. Madder seeds were found at Boho (Morrison 1953, 53-4); traces of<br />

cultivated madder were found in an E-ware pot from Teeshan crannóg (Ó Ríordáin 1979, 30);<br />

and woad pods were discovered at Deer Park Farms (Lynn 1989, 197).<br />

Much of the evidence for dyestuffs comes primarily from coastal sites, and involves a species<br />

of shellfish known as dog-whelk (Nucella lapillus); this species contains a liquid which, when<br />

exposed to the sun, turns purplish-red (Edwards 1990, 82). Several shellmidden sites at<br />

Doonloughan (McCormick and Murray 1997), Dog’s Bay, Roundstone (O'Rourke 1945, 117)<br />

and Culfin, Lettergesh, Co. Galway (McCormick and Murray 2006), as well as Dooey (Ó<br />

Ríordáin and Rynne 1961, 61), and various settlement enclosures such as Raheens II<br />

133

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